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tion of the National Guard from the Fauxbourg | metropolis. Having no root in the provinces St. Antoine, and other manufacturing districts being based on no great interests in the state of Paris, walked in regular military array, it depends entirely on the armed force of the keeping the step in that procession: no one capitala well organized emeute, the defection could see them without being astonished how of a single regiment of guards, a few seditious the government survived the crisis. In truth, cries from the National Guard, the sight of a their existence hung by a thread ;-for several favourite banner, a fortunate allusion to hearthours a feather would have cast the balance- stirring recollections, may at any moment conestablished a republican government, and sign it to destruction. If the insurgents of the plunged Europe in an interminable war. Till city of Paris can make themselves masters of six o'clock in the evening the insurgents were the Hotel de Ville, France is more than half continually advancing; and, at that hour, they conquered; if their forces are advanced to the had made themselves masters of about one- Marché des Innocens, the throne is in greater half of Paris, including the whole district to danger than if the Rhine had been crossed by the eastward of a line drawn from the Port two hundred thousand men: but if their flag St. Martin through the Hotel de Ville to the is hoisted on the Tuileries, the day is won, and Pantheon. At the first alarm the government France, with its eighty-four departments and surrounded the Fauxbourg St. Antoine with thirty-two millions of inhabitants, is at the troops, and would have perished, but for the disposal of the victorious faction. If the rebels fortunate cutting off of that great revolution- who sold their lives so dearly in the cloister ary quarter from the scene of active prepa- of St. Merri could have openly gained over to rations. Though deprived of the expected their side one regiment, and many only waited co-operation in that district, however, the in- an example to join their colours, they would surgents bravely maintained the combat; they speedily have been in possession of the treaentrenched themselves in the neighbourhood sury, and the telegraph, and France was at of the cloister of St. Merri, and among the their feet. No man knew this peculiarity in narrow streets of that densely peopled quarter, the political situation of the great nation better maintained a doubtful struggle. The minis- than Napoleon. He was little disquieted by ters, in alarm, sent for the king, with intelli- the failure of the Russian campaign, till intelligence that his crown was at stake: above gence of the conspiracy of Mallet reached his sixty thousand men, with an immense train of ears; and that firmness which the loss of four artillery, were brought to the spot; but still hundred thousand men could not shake, was the issue seemed suspended. The National overturned by the news that the rebels in Guard of the city, for the most part, hung Paris had imprisoned the minister of police, back; the cries of others were openly in and were within a hair's breadth of making favour of the insurgents; if a single battalion, themselves masters of the telegraph. either of the line or the National Guard, at It is not surprising that Paris should have that crisis had openly joined the rebels, all acquired this unbridled sovereignty over the was lost. In this extremity a singular circum- rest of the country, if the condition in which stance changed the fortune of the day, and the provinces have been left by the Revolution fixed his tottering crown on the head of Louis is considered. You travel through one of the Philippe. The little farmers round Paris, who departments-not a gentleman's house or a live by sending their milk and vegetables to chateau is to be seen. As far as the eye can the capital, found their business suspended by reach, the country is covered with sheets of the contest which was raging in the centre grain, or slopes covered with yines or vegeof the city, where the markets for their pro- tables, raised by the peasants who inhabit the duce are held; their stalls and paniers were villages, situated at the distance of a few miles seized by the rebels, and run up into barri- from each other. Does this immense expanse cades. Enraged at this invasion of their pro- belong to noblemen, gentlemen, or opulent perty and stoppage of their business, these proprietors capable of taking the lead in any little dealers joined their respective banners, common measures for the defence of the public and hastened with the National Guard of the liberties? On the contrary, it is partitioned Banlieue to the scene of action: they were out among an immense body of little proprieplentifully supplied with wine and spirits on tors, the great majority of whom are in a state the outside of the barrier; and before the ex- of extreme poverty, and who are chained to citation had subsided, were hurried over the the plough by the most imperious of all barricades, and determined the conflict. In its laws--that of absolute necessity. Morning, last extremity the crown of Louis Philippe noon, and night, they are to be seen labouring was saved, neither by his boasted guards, nor in the fields, or returning weary and spent to the civic force of the metropolis, but the anger / their humble homes. Is it possible from such of a body of hucksters, gardeners, and milk- a class to expect any combined effort in favour dealers, roused by the suspension of their of the emancipation of the provinces from the humble occupations.

despotism of the capital? The thing is utterIt is this peculiarity in the situation of the ly impossible: as well might you look for an French government which renders it neces-organized struggle for freedom among the sary to watch the state of parties in Paris serfs of Russia or the ryots of Hindostan. with such intense anxiety, and renders the A certain intermixture of peasant 'propriestrife in its streets the signal for peace or war tors is essential to the well-being of society; all over the civilized world. The government and the want of such a class to a larger estent of France, despotic as it is over the remainder in England, is one of the circumstances most of the country, is entirely at the mercy of the 'to be lamented in its social condition. But there is a medium in all things. As much as of humble and needy constituents would in the total want of little landowners is a serious the end have found themselves overshadowed evil, so much is the total want of any other by the splendour of the court, the power of class to be deprecated. In the time of the the metropolis, or the force of the army. In Duke de Gaeta, (1816,) that able statesman periods of agitation, when the public mind is calculated that there were four millions of in a ferment, and the chief powers of the state landed proprietors in France, and 14,000,000 pulled in one direction, they would have been of souls constituting their families, independent irresistible; but in times of tranquillity, when of the wages of labour.* At present the num- the voice of passion was silent, and that of ber is computed at twenty-five millions, and interest constantly heard, they would have there are above ten millions of separate pro- certainly given way. What is required in the perties enrolled and rated for taxation in the representatives of the people, is a permanent government book. Generally speaking, they resistance at all times to the various dangers occupy the whole land in the country. Here which threaten the public freedom; in periods and there an old chateau, still held by a rem- of democratic agitation, a firm résistance to nant of the old noblesse, is to be seen; or precipitate innovation; in times of pacific ena modern villa, inhabited in summer by an joyment, a steady disregard of government opulent banker from one of the great manu- seduction Human nature is weak, and we facturing towns. But their number is too in- must not expect from any body of men, howconsiderable, they are too far separated from ever constituted, a steady adherence to duty each other, to have any weight in the political under such circumstances of varied trial and scale. France is, in fact, a country of peasants, difficulty; but experience has proved, that it interspersed with a few great manufacturing may be expected, with some probability, among towns, and ruled by a luxurious and corrupted an aristocratic body, because their interests capital.

are permanent, and equally endangered by Even the great manufacturing towns are each set of perils; but that it is utterly chimeriincapable of forming any counterpoise to the cal to look for it among the representatives of power of the capital. They are situated too a body of peasants or little proprietors, unfar from each other, they depend too complete- mingled with any considerable intermixture ly on orders from Paris, to be capable of of the higher classes of society. But the opposing any resistance to its authority. If Revolution has extinguished these classes in Rouen, Marseilles, Lyons, or Bourdeaux were France, and therefore it has not left the eleto attempt the struggle, the central govern- ments out of which to frame a constitutional ment would quickly crush each singly, before monarchy. it could be aided by the other confederates.

These circumstances explain a fact singularThey tried to resist, under the most favourable ly illustrative of the present state of parties in circumstances, in 1793, when the Convention France, and the power to whom the ultimate were assailed by all the powers of Europe, appeal is made, viz. the eminent and illuswhen two-thirds of France joined their league, trious persons by whom the daily press is and the west was torn by the Vendean war, conducted. Every one knows by what class and totally failed. Any repetition of the at- in society the daily press is conducted in Engtempt is out of the question.

land; it is in the hands of persons of great The representative system, the boast of ability, but in general of inferior grade in modern civilization, has been found by ex- society. If the leading political characters do perience to be incapable of affording any occasionally contribute an article, it is done remedy for this universal prostration of the under the veil of secrecy, and is seldom adprovinces. That system is admirably adapted mitted by the author, with whatever fame it for a country which contains a gradation of may have been attended. But in France the classes in society from the prince to the pea- case is quite the reverse. There the leading sant; but it must always fail where the in- political characters, the highest of the nobles, termediate classes are destroyed, and there the first men in the state, not only contribute exist only the government and the peasantry. regularly to the daily or periodical press, but Where this is the case, the latter body will avow and glory in their doing so.

Not only always be found incapable of resisting the in- the leading literary characters, as Chateaufluence of the central authority. Who, in briand, Guizot, Thiers, and others, regularly every age, from the signing of Magna Charta, write for the daily press; but many of the have taken the lead in the support of English Peers of France conduct, or contribute to, the freedom? The barons, and great landed pro- public newspapers. The Gazette de France prietors, who possessed at once the resolution, and Quotidienne are supported by contribuinfluence, and power of combination, which tions from the royalist nobility; the Journal are indispensable to such an attempt. Even des Debats is conducted by a Peer of France. the Reform Bill, the last and greatest triumph So far from being considered as a discredit, or of democratic ambition, was forced through a thing to be concealed, these eminent men the legislature, by the aid of a large and opu- pride themselves on the influence they thus lent portion of the aristocracy. If the Revo- have on public opinion. The reason is oblution of 1642 or 1688 had destroyed this in- vious; they are the speakers before the real termediate body in the state, the representa- National Assembly of France, the National tive system would speedily have fallen into Guard and armed force of Paris. Consideraeontempt. The humble, needy representatives tion and dignity will ever attend the persons

whose exertions directly lead to the possession * Duc de Gaeta, ii. 334.

of political power. When, in the progress of

come worse.

democratic changes, the Reformed Parliament | vigour, and despotic authority, to which there of England has sunk as low in public estima. has been nothing comparable since the days, tion as the Chamber of Deputies in France, of Napoleon. The facility with which it overthe dukes and earls of England, if such a turned the great democratic revolt at the cloister class exist, will become the editors of news of St. Merri, in June, 1832, and at Lyons in Nopapers, and pride themselves on the occupa- vember, 1831, both of which were greatly more tion.

formidable than that of the Three Days, is a The taxation of France is extremely heavy, sufficient proof of this assertion. The deeds. and has been increased to a most extraordi- of despotism, the rigorous acts of government, nary degree since the Revolution of July. In which are now in daily operation under the a table below,* will be found a return of the citizen king, could never have been attempted budgets of the last ten years, lately published during the restoration. Charles X. declared in Paris by authority of government. From Paris in a state of siege, and issued an edict this it appears that the expenditure of the last against the liberty of the press; and in a few. year of Charles X., was 950,000,000 francs, days, in consequence, he was precipitated from or about £39,000,000 sterling, while that of his throne: Marshal Soult declared Paris in a. the first year of Louis Philippe, was above state of siege, and still more rigidly fettered 1,500,000,000 francs, or £60,000,000. Thus, the press; and the act of vigour confirmed inwhile the Three Glorious Days diminished stead of weakening his sovereign's authority, every man's property by a third, it added to the It is the daily complaint of the republican, national burdens by a half. Such are the press, that the acts of government are now blessings of democratic ascendency.

infinitely more rigorous than they have ever The taxation of France has become an evil been since the fall of Napoleon, and that the of the very greatest magnitude, and with every nation under the restoration would never have addition made to democratic power, it has be- tolerated the vexatious restraints, which are

The property-tax is thirteen per now imposed upon its freedom. To give one cent. on the annual value; but by the arbitrary or two examples from the newspapers lying and unfair way in which valuations are taken, before us. it frequently amounts to twenty, sometimes to “ Yesterday evening, twenty-eight persons, thirty per cent. on what is really received by accused of seditious practices, were arrested the proprietor. Professional persons, whose and sent to prison by the agents of the police. income is fluctuating, pay an income-tax on a. Never did tyranny adyance with such rápid graduated scale; and the indirect taxes bring strides as it is doing at the present time.” in about 500,000,000 francs, or £20,000,000 Tribune, Aug. 20. sterling. The direct taxes amount to about Yesterday night, eighteen more persons, 350,000,000 francs, or £14,000,000 sterling; a accused of republican practices, were sent to much heavier burden than the income-tax was prison. How long will the citizens of Paris on England, for the national income of Eng- permit a despotism to exist among them, to land is much greater than that of France. As which there has been nothing comparable since the result of their democratic efforts, the French the days of Napoleon ?"-Tribune, Aug. 21. have fixed on themselves national burdens, 6 More barracks are in course of being nearly three times as heavy as those which erected in the neighbourhood of Graulle. If were so much complained of in the time of matters go on much longer at this rate, Paris Louis XVI. ;t and greatly more oppressive will contain more soldiers than citizens." than those which the revolutionary war has Tribune, Aug. 23. imposed on the English people.

If Charles X.or Louis XVIII. had adventured Nor is this all. In addition to this enormous upon the extraordinary steps of sending state increase of taxation, the Revolution of July has prisoners by the hundred to the castle of mount occasioned the sale of a very large portion of St. Michael in Normandy, or erecting an adthe royal domains. In every part of France ditional prison of vast dimensions near Père the crown lands and forests have been alienated la Chaise, to receive the overflowings of the to a very great extent; and the words which so other jails in Paris, maintaining forty or fifty often meet a traveller's eyes, “Biens patrimo- thousand men constantly in garrison in the niaux de la Couronne à vendre,” indicate too capital, or placing a girdle of fortified bastiles clearly how universally the ruthless hand of round its walls, the vehemence of the public the spoiler has been laid on the remaining clamour would either have rendered necessary public estates of the realm.

the abandonment of the measures, or straightNotwithstanding this, however, the charac- way precipitated them from the throne. All ter of the French government has been essen-parties now admit that France possessed as tially changed by the Revolution of the Barri- much real freedom as was consistent with cades. It possesses now, a degree of power, public order under the Bourbons; there is not

one which pretends that any of that liberty is * Budgets of France for the last ten years.

still enjoyed. They are completely at variance, 951,992,000 francs, or £38,100,000

indeed, as to the necessity of its removal; the 946,098,000 do. 37,100,000 942,518,000 do. 37,800,000

republicans maintaining that an unnecessary 986,527,000 do. 38,730,000

and odious despotism has been established; 1828 939,343,000 do. 37,330,000

the juste milieu, that a powerful government 975,703,000 do. 38,840,000

981,510,000 do. 38,930,000 is the only remaining barrier between France 1831 1,511,500,000 do. 60,000,000

and democratic anarchy, and, as such, is ab1832 1,100,506,000 do. 44,000,000 1833 1,120,394,000 do. 44,500,000

solutely indispensable for the preservation of & Mhey were then about £19,000,000 a year.

order; but all are agreed that the constitu* Guizot, Essais sur l'histoire de France 13.

1824 1825 1826 1827

1829 1830

tional freedom of the Restoration no longer from the usurpation of the executive authority exists.

by the democracy; and that, as long as the An attentive observation of the present state reins of power are in the hands of the nobles of France is all that is requisite to show the the jealousy of the commons was an adequate causes of these apparently anomalous facts; security to the cause of freedom. Rome long of the tempered rule; limited authority, and maintained its liberties, notwithstanding the constitutional sway of the Bourbons, in spite contests of the patricians and plebeians, while of the absolute frame of government which the authority of the senate was unimpaired; they received from Napoleon and the Revolu- but when the aristocracy, under Cato, Brutus, tion; and the despotic rigour and irresistible and Pompey, were overturned by the demoforce of the present dynasty, notwithstanding cracy headed by Cæsar, the tyranny of the the democratic transports which seated it emperors rapidly succeeded. The most comupon the throne. Such a survey will, at the plete despotism of modern times is to be found same time, throw a great and important light in the government of Robespierre and Napoupon the final effect of the first Revolution on leon, both of whom rose to power on the dethe cause of freedom, and go far to vindicate mocratic transports of a successful revclution. the government of that superintending wis Against the encroachments of their natural dom, which, even in this world, compels vice and hereditary rulers, the sovereign and the to work out its own deserved and memorable nobles, the people, in a constitutional mopunishment.

narchy, are in general sufficiently on their The practical and efficient control upon the guard : and against their efforts, the increasing executive authority, in every state, is to be power which they acquire from the augmentafound in the jealousy of the middling and tion of their wealth and intelligence in the lower orders of the rule of the higher, who are later stages of society, is a perfectly sufficient in possession of the reins of power. This is security. But of the despotism of the rulers the force which really coerces the government of their own party,—the usurpation of the in every state; it is to be found in the tumults leaders whom they have themselves seated in of Constantinople, or the anarchy of Persia, as the chariot,—they are never sufficiently jeawell as in the constitutional opposition of the lous, because they conceive that their own British parliament. The representative system power is deriving fresh accessions of strength only gives a regular and constitutional channel from every addition made to the chiefs who to the restraining power, without which society have so long combated by their side; and this might degenerate into the anarchy of Poland, delusion continues universally till it is too late or be disgraced by the strife of the Seraglio. to shake their authority, and on the ruins of a

As long as this jealousy remains entire among constitutional monarchy, an absolute despotism the people, and the fabric of government is has been constructed. sufficiently strong to resist its attacks on any “ Le leurre du despotisme qui commence est of its necessary functions-as long as it is a toujours," says Guizot, “ d'offrir aux hommes drág on its movements, not the ruling power, les trompeurs avantages d'une honteuse egathe operations of the executive are subjected lité."* to a degree of restraint which constitutes a Had the first Revolution of France, like the limited monarchy, and diffuses general free- great rebellion of England, merely passed over dom. This is the natural and healthful state of the state without uprooting all its institutions, society; where the people, disqualified by their and destroying every branch of its aristocracy, multitude and their habits from the task of there can be little doubt that a constitutional government, fall into their proper sphere of monarchy might have been established in observing and controlling its movements; and France, and possibly a hundred and forty the aristocracy, disqualified by their limited years of liberty and happiness formed, as in number from the power of effectually control. Britain, the maturity of its national strength. ling the executive, if possessed by the people, But the total destruction of all these classes in occupy their appropriate station in forming the bloody convulsion, and the division of their part of the government, and supporting the estates among an innumerable host of little throne. The popular body is as unfit to go- proprietors, rendered the formation of such a vern the state, as the aristocracy is to defend monarchy impossible, because one of the eleits liberties against a democratic executive. ments was awanting which is indispensable to History has many instances to exhibit, of li- its existence, and no counterpoise remained to berty existing for ages with a senate holding the power of the democracy at one time, or of the reins, and a populace checking its en- the executive at another. You might as well croachments; it has not one to show of the make gunpowder without sulphur, as rear up same blessing being found under a democracy constitutional freedom without an hereditary in possession of the executive, with the de- aristocracy to coerce the people and restrain fence of public freedom intrusted to a displaced the throne. A monarchy,” says Bacon, aristocracy. From the Revolution of 1688 to "without an aristocracy, is ever an absciute that of 1832, the annals of England presented despotism, for a nobility attempers somewhat the perfect specimen of public freedom flou- the reverence for the line royal." “ The Revorishing under the first form of government; it lution,” says Napoleon,“left France absolutely remains to be seen whether it will subsist for without an aristocracy; and this rendered the any length of time under the second.

formation of a mixed constitution impossible. Experience, accordingly, has demonstrated, The government had no lever to rest upon to what theory had long asserted, that the overthrow of the liberty of all free states has arisen

direct the people; it was compelled to navi- ' restraint is ever most fervent, and from their gate in a single element. The French Revolu- energy that the firmest principles of freedom tion has attempted a problem as insoluble as and the greatest excesses of democracy have the direction of balloons!"*

equally arisen. But the younger generations When Napoleon seized the helm, therefore, of France were, to a degree unprecedented in he had no alternative but to see revolutionary modern times, mowed down by the revoluanarchy continue in the state, or coerce the tionary wars. After seventeen years of more people by a military despotism. He chose the than ordinary consumption of human life, latter; and under his firm and resolute go- came the dreadful campaigns of 1812, 1813, vernment, France enjoyed a degree of prospe- and 1814; in the first of which, between Spain rity and happiness unknown since the fall of and Russia, not less than 700,000 men perishthe monarchy. Those who reproach him with ed by the sword or sickness, while, in the two departing from the principles of the Revolution, latter, the extraordinary levy of 1,200,000 and rearing up a military throne by means of men was almost entirely destroyed. By these a scaffolding of democratic construction, would prodigious efforts, France was literally exdo well to show how he could otherwise have hausted; these copious bleedings reduced the discharged the first of duties in governments-body politic to a state of almost lethargic the giving protection and security to the peo- torpor; and, accordingly, neither the invasion ple; how a mixed and tempered constitution and disasters of 1814, nor the return of Napocould be established, when the violence of the leon in 1815, could rouse the mass of the people had totally destroyed their natural and nation to any thing like a state of general hereditary rulers; and how the passions of a excitement. During the first years of the populace, long excited by the uncontrolled riot Bourbons' reign, accordingly, they had to rule in power, were to be coerced by a senate com- over a people whose fierce passions had been posed of salaried dignitaries, destitute either tamed by unprecedented misfortunes, and hot of property or importance, and a body of blood drained off by a merciless sword; and ignoble deputies, hardly elevated, either in it was not till the course of time, and the station or acquirements, above the citizens to ceaseless powers of population had in some whom they owed their election.

degree repaired the void, that that general imThe overthrow of Napoleon's power by the patience and restlessness began to be maniarms of Europe, for a time established a con- fested which arises from the difficulty of stitutional throne in France, and gave its in- finding employment, and is the common prehabitants fifteen years of undeserved freedom cursor of political changes. and happiness. But this freedom rested on an 2. The government of Napoleon, dešpotic unstable equilibrium; it had not struck its and unfettered in its original construction, roots into the substratum of society; it was after the 18th Brumaire, had become, in proliable to be overturned by the first shock of cess of time, the most arbitrary and powerful adverse fortune. As it was, however, it con- of any in Europe. Between the destruction tributed, in a most essential manner, to deceive of all ancient, provincial, and corporate authe world.-to veil the irreparable conse- thorities, by the successive revolutionary asquences of the first convulsion--and make semblies, and the complete centralization of mankind believe that it was possible, on the all the powers and influence of the state in the basis of irreligion, robbery, and murder, to government at Paris, which took place during rear up the fair fabric of regulated freedom. his government, there was not a vestige of We have to thank the Revolution of the Bar- popular power left in France. The people ricades for drawing aside the veil,,for dis- had been accustomed, for fourteen years, to playing the consequences of national delin- submit to the prefets, sous-prefets, mayors, quency on future ages; and beneath the fair adjoints, and other authorities appointed by colours of the whited sepulchre, exhibiting the the central government at Paris, and they had foul appearances of premature corruption and in a great degree lost the recollection of the decay.

intoxicating powers which they exercised What gave temporary freedom to France during the Revolution. The habit of submisunder the Restoration was the prodigious ex- sion to an absolute government, which enforced haustion of the democratic spirit by the cala- its mandates by 800,000 soldiers, and had three mities which attended the close of Napoleon's hundred thousand civil offices intus gift, had reign; the habits of submission to which his in a great degree prepared the country for iron government had accustomed the people; slavery. To the direction of this immense and the terror produced by the double conquest of strongly constructed machine the Bourbons Paris by the Allies, the insecure and obnoxious succeeded; and it went on for a number of tenure by which the Bourbons held their years working of itself, without the people geauthority, and the pacific character and per- nerally being conscious of the helm having sonal weakness of that race of sovereigns passed from the firm and able grasp of Napothemselves.

leon to the inexperienced and feeble hands of 1. The exhaustion of France by the calami- his legitimate successors. Louis XVIII., inties which hurled Napoleon from the throne, deed, gave a charter to his subjects: “Vive la undoubtedly had a most powerful effect in Charte” became the cry of the supporters of coercing for a time the fierce and turbulent his throne : deputies were chosen, who met at passions of the people. It is in the young that Paris; a Chamber of Peers was established, the spirit of liberty and the impatience of and the forms of a constitutional monarchy


But it is not by conferring the * Napoleon's Memoirs.

forms of a limited monarchy that its spirit can

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