troversy, feem to fhut it up in thicker and more impenetrable darknefs.

BUT we need not prefs the author of the Alliance too clofely with this charge of felfcontradiction, because the fame consequences will follow from his own general principles, and the neceffary reafon of the thing. Let us allow then, that fociety, by its own proper force, cannot provide for the obfervance of above one third part of moral duties, and of that third but imperfectly; let it be allowed, likewife, that to Supply this defect in civil laws, there must be added fome other coactive power that has its influence upon the mind of man; let it be allowed farther, that there is no other that has this influence, than the power of religion granting all this, I fay, what will it prove? If it proves any thing, it can be no more than this, that the true religion ONLY ought to be eftablifh'd: for 'tis this alone that can influence the mind in fuch a manner, as to be fubfervient to moral duties and the good of fociety; whereas fuperftition and false religion have been found, by univerfal experience, to be the greatest corrupters of human nature, and fubverfive of the focial vertues. As therefore the truth and goodness of a religion, and the civil utility refulting from an eftablishment of it, always coincide, and can't be separated in ftrict and fo• lid reafoning; and as the author I am examining feems to allow this, and the foundation of

В 2

his

his own argument neceffarily supposes it; the matter, upon the whole, is brought to this iffue: that the ultimate end why religion is eftablished, is the publick utility; but the publick utility cannot be promoted by any, befides the true religion; and therefore the fubordinate end aimed at by an establishment is, and muft be, the prefervation and fupport of true religion as fuch. Or, the fum of the argument may be thus ftated: the true end why any religion at all is eftablifhed, is civil utility; but the true end why a particular fcheme of religion is eftablished is, or ought to be, because it is the true religion, and only because it is the true religion; fince that alone can give it a preference to others, as a means more conducive to the publick good. Now this which is the fole reason why any particular religion can, in right, be established, the author of the Alliance utterly disclaims; and according to our method of reafoning, ftrange confequences muft follow from admitting that, without which, as has been fhewn, we can admit of no establishment at all. As

་

Ift, 'THAT an establishment is unjust, 'because the civil magiftrate hath no right to judge, as a magiftrate, which is the true religion; this power not being given him on man's entring into fociety: Nor could it be given him, because man cannot empower another to judge for him in matters of religion. An establishment is alfo un

6

juft,

just, because was the magiftrate a competent judge of which was the true religion, he would yet have no right to reward its followers, or difcourage its oppofers; because matters of opinion belong not to his jurifdiction. This hypothesis takes away the clergy's right to a publick maintenance. Which now being for the fupport of opinions, would be contrary to "the fundamental laws of fociety: as making thofe contribute to that maintenance who reject fuch opinions, and think them falfe. (2.) An establishment is abfurd. It being impoffible that the end thereof should be attained. This end is the protection and fupport of true religion. But the ci'vil magiftrate, who is to establish it, being fole judge what is fo, and neceffarily con( cluding his own to be it, the established < religion must, all the world over, be the 'the magistrate's. That is, for one place. where the true religion is eftablished, there will be a thousand where the false is. And whether this be for the intereft of true religion, let the maintainers of this hypothe'fis confider.*"

HAVING fhewn how this writer has argued against the general point he had in view, and if his reafoning here holds good deftroy'd the ground of all establishments; I fhall conclude with two inftances which he

p. 150, 151.

hath

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hath given, of the publick utility, that fprings from an eftablifh'd religion. The one is, that by conferring on the magiftrate the application of the efficacy of religion, and putting the church under his direction, he has in himself authority to prefcribe fuch publick exercifes of religion, (as days of bumiliation, fafts, feftivals, exhortations, and dehortations, thanfgivings and deprecations, &c.) and in fuch ( a manner as, he finds, the exigencies of ftate require: the other; that the endow ment of the clergy will deftroy that mutual dependency between them and the 'people, which arifes from the former's being maintain'd by the voluntary contri⚫tribution of the latter; which dependence is productive of the greatest mischiefs to the state. The fubftance of which, when expressed in a more undifguis'd and artlefs ftile, amounts to this-that fome of the most eminent advantages, arifing from a clofe alliance between the church and flate, are thefe; the making religion a convenient engine for ambitious and intriguing politicians to work by; and the clergy the tools of power, and a feparate interest from the community.A ftrain of fentiments and language, exactly calculated for defpotic and arbitrary governments, but abfolutely inconfiftent with the genius and fpirit of li berty.-I fhall therefore, as the refult of all, make no fcruple to pronounce with refpect

to

to this writer, and every other advocate for a religious establishment that I have yet met with, that whatever church they may claim. the honour to be related to as their mother, HOBBES is the father of them all.

I am,

SIR,

Tour humble Servant.

NUM B.

LII.

To the OLD WHIG.

SIR,

Muft beg the favour of you to infert in

your paper one more letter of my friend's, as naturally belonging to thofe which you have already been fo good as to admit; and which I hope may serve a little the caufe of liberty, in which you are engaged. I am, SIR,

Tour bumble Servant,

P. Q.

A Third Letter to a Friend in the Country.

Dear S I R,

I KNOW you will expect that I fhould not be filent upon the experienced event of our late political fpeculation. Application has been made for the repeal of the testB 4

act,