policy is a transient one; and, instead of anticipating and providing for the distant evils of favorite measures, he sees nothing but the present good.

This view is no fiction, but a reality. We can exempt no State from the application; it is due to all, and all seem to be involved in difficulties incident to selfishness. New expedients receive attention to the neglect of settled principles, and the policy of the moment is in favor, at the expense of what should make the policy of a generation. Most parties speak much truth, in opposition to one another; all parties commit their errors upon different subjects, at different periods.

In this state of things, in this confusion of profession, of principle, of practice and malpractice, it requires an extraordinary degree of moral courage to stand above the temptations of designing men.

It becomes the natural inquiry of the citizen how he is to distinguish the right from the wrong; and, without more error than falls to the lot of humanity, to do his duty to himself and to his country. What make the standards of party? Which standard is right, and how are others wrong ?

We deem this a profitable subject of inquiry. It is not a new one. It may not be an interesting one. All will agree in its importance. If we do not enlighten our readers, they will admit, we doubt not, that it is some service to remind them of what they know and to render familiar the fundamental principles of our institutions, which should ever be present with a party that trusts to be permanent.

Parties are either permanent or transient; the former recognizing fundamental principles, which forever remain true; the latter, organizing and reorganizing according to incidental circumstances, local interests, special interests, or special reforms. The former raises its standard, declares its principles, and through them reach the various causes of reform, and adopts all practicable measures that promise to conduce to the prosperity of the country. The latter is either conservative, or ultra, or special, or local. It carries the standard of a day; it

avows but one principle of a thousand. It is partial, and looks to a single interest, severed from its connection with more important ones. It seeks to increase the power of the few, without regarding that the expense is to the many. It is conservative in the great party, it is intolerant in the small. It existed yesterday, and to-day it is not. The influence of these parties is not continued and concentrated within themselves; but whatever they mature of right soon reaches and is made to help and elevate the dominant party.

We would not denounce such parties. We would not denounce any party. We claim to prove a party in the right; and if a party be in the wrong, it may be shown by our standard, or it may be proved so by its own measures. We do not mean that we would extend to such parties our favor, for this would be a compromise of principle. We do not mean that we would spare them from attack, for this would be a compromise of duty. We mean, that we will not denounce a party because we are not counted one of its members; but we would subject it to the severest scrutiny, to the severest test known to science, or demanded by principle. We would try it by its own standard, and by that which we deemed to be permanent. We would prove it to be in the wrong, or admit it to be in the right. We would be firm without dogmatism, and bold without arrogance.

Parties are

We can see much good in the conflicts of party. not voluntary associations, made up of men who choose their part without reference to convictions. We have a higher respect for the people than to suppose that their faith is the result of their interest or their will. We do not deny exceptions. Men act from the evidence that is in them, and around them, and before them. Their opinions are spontaneous, their motives rest in conscience, and their acts should appear in conformity to these. They are independent as individuals, and as individuals they act in parties. They have individual interests, and party interests. The individual seeks to bring the party to himself, but as all cannot be exemplars, all yield minor views, and unite on certain great and fundamental prin

ciples. What cannot be gained at once, must come by degrees. What cannot be understood at once, must be taught by degrees. What is not practicable now, must be studied as a future measure. Party zeal may outstrip party prudence; but party prudence should yield nothing to cowardice at the expense of principle. While it is admitted that zeal may save us from lethargy, it must be borne in mind that judgment may save us from the errors of careless or hasty thinking.

The deep lines of party distinction represent frequently great and important interests. Men are influenced by what they have, or by what they want. They design to be true, but they are frequently blinded by their interest. They design to be just, but they err in not respecting the motives of their opponents. They intend to be charitable, but they mistake the objects of charity for the subjects of censure.*

The existence of parties constitutes the means of political progress. Parties may be violent, they may agitate a whole nation, and threaten its peace; but without this exercise no nation can have maturity, no nation can have strength or acquire glory. What exercise is to the physical system, it is to the nation. It develops its means of strength. The conflict of opinion is the exercise of mind; the conflict of party make that of a nation. We would not encourage division unless made subservient to a well-tried standard, nor would we lament it if dictated by honest motives.

In this country there are two great parties; the democratic, or republican party, and the conservative, or whig party.

The democratic party has its standard of principle and its rule of action. It seeks to reach the whole people, and to secure equal rights to all, without unjust sacrifice to any. It stands upon the basis of the Constitution, and yields none of its safeguards to construction. It sustains the humblest citizen in all his rights, and the States in their prerogatives of sovereignty. It favors simplicity of life, the elevation of the

* See Appendix C C.

people, and rigid economy in the administration of government. It acts from itself outwardly, and seeks to extend the greatest good to the whole people. The declarations of the party, adopted years ago, still remain the standard. As new measures are acted upon and determined, they cease to continue subjects of party discussion. Omitting these, the resolutions adopted by the Baltimore convention, in 1844, were readopted by the convention of 1848. We copy them in our Appendix, as imbodying fundamental views.*

ures.

The history of the democratic party shows that, when its measures have been tested, they have proved true to their objects. Having been the dominant party of the country, our prosperity as a nation is justly attributable to its prudent measIn the operations of government, it has been prudent in its expenditures and faithful to its trusts. We have inserted in the Appendix, tables exhibiting the receipts and expenditures of government from 1789 to 1846-7,† and the losses of government from 1789 to 1837. The losses since 1844, have been very small,—indeed, we have no account of any.

These tables exhibit a degree of economy in the government of a nation which must be highly gratifying to all parties. It is a proper subject of national congratulation at home, and it affords an example of most fearful import to other powers abroad.

In noticing the conservative, or whig party, we speak of it as such, without wishing to be considered discourteous to the many estimable citizens who rank themselves as members of it. We invite them to an impartial examination of principles. If they would characterize the measures of government by their talents and influence, their proper course, let us respectfully suggest, is to join the dominant party.

The conservative party places its standard in particular measures. When those measures are lost, its standard is gone. It is in opposition to the dominant party. It is the veto party to the rights of the people.

*See Appendix DD. † See Appendix EE. ‡ See Appendix FF.

It opposed the war of Madison, in 1812. It opposed the war with Mexico, in 1846-7.* It opposed the free-trade tariff of 1846. It opposed the sub-treasury of 1840, and repealed it in 1841. It opposed the constitutional treasury of 1846.† It resorted to extraordinary exertions to sustain the United States Bank, and to renew its charter. In all these examples their opposition was against their government, against the views of a large majority of the people; and time will prove that in no instance, on great questions, has the party been in the right.

*

* "Every measure of policy to which the democratic party were pledged by the resolutions of the Baltimore convention, in May, 1844, have been established, and the country is now in the enjoyment of their full fruition." * "Thus it is apparent that the whig party before this time would have ceased to exist, but for their opposition to the war."— Mr. Inge's speech, House of Representatives, March, 1848.

This is true, in some degree, but not without qualification. The whigs will always continue as a party, though they may not be true to any particular standard. Conservative influence is as important in politics as it is in science. Although it may oppose new measures of progress, it must be admitted that it furnishes new motives to exertion, and opens new sources of proof and illustration to sustain truth, and to render more obvious the positions of error. The whig party is favored by great wealth, and its interests will ever incite its members to activity. Its ranks are honored by men of splendid talents and extensive attainments; and to deny the importance of their exercise and use to the country and to the world, would be an act of reckless folly and injustice. Their opposition to error will help to make it appear in its true light, and their opposition to truth, should their interests seem to require it, will tend to render its benefits more manifest. The party is strengthened and dignified by such men as Webster and Clay; but it cannot be true to them unless their principles and measure of influence happen to coincide with its temporary interests and fluctuating notions of availability. Therefore, most of the sacrifices and mortifications of the party fall upon its leaders. This arises from the fact that, generally, the lovers of money are not lovers of science. Opinions are made subservient to interests. + The final vote of the house was 123 to 67. The vote of the senate was 28 to 24 — strictly a party vote.