list of contents, and for greater accuracy, compared our copy with the original as read by a member of Colonel Randolph's family. The title page is in Mr. Jefferson's handwriting, and is as follows: Between the next two pages are pasted two printed maps, the first "Loca terra Sanctæ quorum sit mentio in Evangeliis "-the other, "Tabula Geographica ad acta Apost." Then, on each left hand page, in parallel columns, are the Greek and Latin text, and on the right, the corresponding French and English text. An index is pasted into the beginning of the book, of which the following is a copy: A TABLE Of the texts from the Evangelists employed in this narrative, and of the order of their PAGE arrangement. 1 Luke ii. 1-7: Joseph and Mary go to Bethlehem, where Jesus is born. 2 21, 39: He is circumcised and named, and they return to Nazareth. 40, 42-48, 51, 52: At 12 years of age he accompanies his parents to Jerusalem and returns. L. iii. 1, 2; Mk. i. 4; Mt. iii. 4, 5, 6: John baptizes in Jordan. 3 J. ii. 12-16: Dr.ves the traders out of the temple. J. iii. 22; Mt. iv. 12; Mk. vi. 17-28: He baptizes, but retires into Galilee on the death of John. 4 Mk. i. 21, 22: He teaches in the Synagogue. 5 Mt. xii. 1-5, 9-12; Mk. ii. 27; Mt. xii. 14, 15: Explains the Sabbath. L. vi. 12-17: Call of his disciples. 6 to 15 Mt. v. 1-12; L. vi. 24, 25, 26; Mt. v. 13-47: L. vi. 34, 35, 36; Mt. vi. 1-34; vii. 1, 2; L. vi. 38; Mt. vii. 3-20; xii. 35, 36, 37; vii. 24–29: The sermon on the mount. Mt. viii. 1; Mk. vi. 6; Mt. xi. 28, 29, 30: Exhorts. 16 L. vii. 36-46: A woman anointeth him. 17 Mk. iii. 31-35; L. xii. 1-7, 13-15: Precepts. 18 L. xii. 16-21: Parable of the rich man. 20 22-48, 54-59; L. xiii. 1-5: Precepts. PAGE 23 Mt. xiii. 1-9; Mk. iv. 10; Mt. xiii. 18-23: Parable of the sower. 24, 25 26, 27 Mk. iv. 21, 22, 23: Precepts. Mt. xiii. 24-30, 36-52: Parable of the tares. 28 Mt. xiii. 53-57: A prophet hath no honor in his own country. 29 Mt. ix. 36; Mk. vi. 7; Mt. x. 5, 6, 9–18, 23, 26–31, Mk. vi. 12, 30: Mission instructions, return of apostles. 30, 31 J. vii. 1; Mk. vii. 1–5, 14-24; Mt. xviii. 1-4, 7-9, 12-17, 21-35: Pre cepts. 32, 33 Mt. xviii. 23-35: Parable of the wicked servant. 34 L. x. 1-8, 10-12: Mission of the seventy. 35 J. vii. 2-16, 19-26, 32, 43-53: The feast of the tabernacles. 36 J. viii. 1-11: The woman taken in adultery. 37 J. ix. 1, 2, 3: To be born blind no proof of sin. J. x. 1-5, 11-14, 16: The good shepherd. 38 L. x. 25-37: Love God and thy neighbor; parable of the Samaritan. L. xi. 1-13: Form of prayer. 39 40 41 42 43, 44 45 46 47, 48 49 L. xiv. 1-6: The Sabbath. 7-24: The bidden to a feast. 28-32: Precepts. L. xv. 1-32: Parables of the lost sheep and prodigal son. 18-31: Parable of Lazarus. L. xvii. 1-4, 7-10, 20, 26-36: Precepts to be always ready. L. xviii. 1-14: Parables of the widow and judge, the pharisee and publican. 50, 51 L. x. 38-42; Mt. xix. 1-26: Precepts. 52 Mt. xx. 1-16: Parable of the laborers in the vineyard. 53, 54 L. xix. 1-28: Zaccheus, and the parable of the talents. 55, 56 Mt. xxi. 1-3, 6-8, 10; J. xii. 19-24; Mt. xxi. 17: Goes to Jerusalem and Bethany. Mk. xi. 12, 15-19: the traders cast out from the temple. Mk. xi. 27; Mt. xxi. 27-31: Parable of the two sons. 57 Mt. xxi. 33; Mk. xii. 1–9; Mt. xxi. 45, 46: Parable of the vineyard and husbandman. 58 Mt. xxii. 1-14: Parable of the king and wedding. 59 15-33: Tribute, marriage, resurrection. 60 Mk. xii. 28-31; Mt. xxii. 40; Mk. xii. 32, 33: The two commandments. 61, 62 Mt. xxiii. 1-33: Precepts, pride, hypocrisy, swearing. 68 Mk. xii. 41-44: The widow's mite. 64 Mt. xxiv. 1, 2, 16-21, 32, 33, 36-39, 40-44: Jerusalem and the day of judgment. 67, 68 L. xxi. 34-36; Mt. xxv. 31-46: The day of judgment. 15." 69 Mk. xiv. 1-8: A woman anointeth him. 1 A part of verse 29 is quoted thus: "And Levi made him a great feast in his own house; and VOL. III.-42 PAGE 70, 71 Mt. xxvi. 14-16: Judas undertakes to point out Jesus. 72 73 17-20; L. xxii. 24-27; J. xiii. 2, 4-17, 21-26, 31, 34, 35; Mt. xxvi. 31, 33; L. xxii. 33, 34; Mt. xxvi. 35-45: Precepts to his disciples, washes their feet, trouble of mind and prayer. J. xviii. 1-3; Mt. xxvi. 48-50: Judas conducts the officers to Jesus. 74 J. xviii. 4-8; Mt. xxvi. 50-52; 55, 56; Mk. xiv. 51, 52; Mt. xxvi. 57; 75 J. xviii. 15, 16, 17, 18; J. xviii. 25, 26, 27; Mt. xxvi. 75; J. xviii. 19-23; Mk. xiv. 55-61; L. xxii. 67, 68, 70; Mk. xiv. 63-65: He is arrested and carried before Caiphas, the high-priest, and is condemned. 76 J. xviii. 28-31, 33-38; L. xxiii. 5; Mt. xxvii. 13: Is then carried to Pilate. 77 L. xxiii. 6-12: Who sends him to Herod. 78 L. xxiii. 13-16; Mt. xxvii. 15-23, 26: Receives him back, scourges and delivers him to execution. 79, 80 Mt. xxvii. 27, 29-31, 3-8; L. xxiii. 26-32; J. xix. 17-24; Mt. xxvii. 39-43; L. xxiii. 39-41, 34; J. xix. 25-27; Mt. xxvii. 46-50, 55, 56: His crucifixion, death, and burial. 81 J. xix. 31-34, 38-42; Mt. xxvii. 60: His burial. APPENDIX NO. XXXI.-VOL. III., p. 475. Mr. Jefferson's Reply to the Charge of Overdrawing his Accounts. In a letter to Messrs Ritchie & Gooch (May 13th) Mr. Jefferson replied to a charge brought against him by a writer in the newspapers, over the signature of " A Native Virginian," of having overdrawn $1,148 of public money in the settlement of his account as Minister to France. In settling that account with the Government in 1792 (a pressure of business on the public accounting officers prevented them from taking it up earlier), a balance of $888 67, was found to be due from him, and was immediately paid. When the accounts of the United States bankers in Amsterdam (Willinks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard) were subsequently received, it appeared that a bill of 2,800 florins Banco, credited to the Government in Mr. Jefferson's account as drawn by him to the order of Grand & Co., on the above bankers, had never been paid by them. Their accounts contained no notice of it. The auditor of the Treasury apprised Mr. Jefferson of this fact (in 1804), and consequently, that the 2,800 florins "stood at his debit only as a provisional charge." The latter allowed the matter to remain in this situation until 1809, when, making a final settlement of his official accounts with the Government, and twenty years having now elapsed without anything being heard of the bill drawn on the Amsterdam bankers, he accepted back its amount, declining, however, to receive interest. The auditor made a memorandum of the facts, and had it at any time subsequently appeared that Willinks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard had actually paid the order, the overpayment to Mr. Jefferson by the Government would at once have been made apparent and capable of being remedied. But the Dutch bankers never brought any such bill into their account with our Government. It is therefore certain that the account was accurately settled, in this particular, as between the United States Government and Mr. Jefferson. If anybody suffered it was Willinks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard, and purely by their own fault, in neglecting to charge the amount of a bill of exchange paid by them. This is not a very common oversight among bankers. Nor did they ever put forward a hint that such an oversight had occurred-though the matter was once or twice publicly discussed in the newspapers of the United States. Neither did Grand & Co., in their account against the United States, nor in their private account against Mr. Jefferson, ever notice such a bill. Mr. Jefferson gives the following solution of the affair in his letters to Ritchie and Gooch: Turning to my pocket diary, I find that on the 21st day of October, 1789, the date of this bill, I was at Cowes in England, on my return to the United States. The entry in my diary is in these words: 1789, October 21st. Sent to Grand & Co., letter of credit on Willinks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard, for 2,800 florins Banco. And I immediately credited it in my account with the United States in the following words: 1789, October 21. By my bill on Willinks, Van Staphorsts & Hubbard, in favor of Grand & Co., for 2,800 florins, equal to 6,250 livres 18 sous.' My account having been kept in livres and sous of France, the auditor settled this sum at the current exchange, making it $1,148. This bill, drawn at Cowes in England, had to pass through London to Paris by the English and French mails, in which passage it was lost, by some unknown accident, to which it was the more exposed in the French mail, by the confusion then prevailing; for it was exactly at the time that martial law was proclaimed at Paris, the country all up in arms, and executions by the mobs were daily perpetrating through town and country. However this may have been, the bill never got to the hands of Grand & Co., was never, of course, forwarded by them to the bankers of Amsterdam, nor anything more ever heard of it." at half Turning to this "pocket diary," (which we have so repeatedly quoted as Mr. Jefferson's "pocket account-book "), we observe that he arrived at Cowes " past two in the morning" on the 9th of October; and running our eye over intervening entries, drawn out with the rigorous precision so often mentioned, down to October 21st, we find the following entry verbatim and literatim (the contractions apparently made to compress it into a single line): "21. Sent to Grand & Co., letter of credit on Will., V. Staph. & Hub., for 2,800 f. Bo." "A Native Virginian" returned to the charge, taking the ground that Mr. Jeffer. son had at all events received the money twice, first of Grand & Co., on the sale or negotiation of the bill in Europe, and a second time from the Treasury. The first assertion he endeavored to sustain by quoting the following entry as if from Mr. Jefferson's account rendered to the Treasury, "By cash received of Grand for bill on Willinks &c." The words in italics were an interpolation or forgery, ventured on by this "psuedo Native Virginian," as Mr. Jefferson conjectures, from a sufficient familiarity with the Treasury department to know that the original account was destroyed in the Register's office, when the British burnt the public offices in 1814. But, unfortunately for this writer's ingenuity, Mr. Jefferson had retained a press-copy of that account, and he now tendered it to public inspection. Besides, he pertinently asked how he could have received money of Grand, when he was in England and Grand in France. The bill might, certainly, have been negotiated in England. Mr. Jefferson says that it never was so negotiated-that it was not drawn to raise money in the market-that it was inclosed to Grand & Co. in a letter for a particular purpose. His assailant did not claim that the bill was sold in England or to any one ful track. I have given them at greater length than your letter called for. But I cannot say things by halves; and I confide them to your honor, so to use them as to preserve me from the gridiron of the public papers. If you shall approve and enforce them, as you have done that of equal representation, they may do some good. If not, keep them to yourself as the effusions of withered age, and useless time. I shall, with not the less truth, assure you of my great respect and consideration. TH. JEFFERSON. To John Taylor. MONTICELLO, July 21, 1816. DEAR SIR: Yours of the 10th is received, and I have to acknowledge a copious supply of the turnip seed requested. Besides taking care myself, I shall endeavor again to commit it to the repository of the neighborhood, generally found to be the best precaution against losing a good thing. I will add a word on the political part of our letters. I believe we do not differ on either of the points you suppose. On education, certainly not; of which the proofs are my bill for the diffusion of knowledge, proposed near forty years ago, and my uniform endeavors, to this day, to get our counties divided into wards, one of the principal objects of which is, the establishment of a primary school in each. But education not being a branch of municipal government, but, like the other arts and sciences, an accident only, I did not place it, with election, as a fundamental member in the structure of government. Nor, I believe, do we differ as to the county courts. I acknowledge the value of this institution; that it is in truth our principal executive and judiciary, and that it does much for little pecuniary reward. It is their self-appointment I wish to correct: to find some means of breaking up a cabal, when such a one gets possession of the bench. When this takes place, it becomes the most afflicting of tyrannies, because its powers are so various, and exercised on everything most immediately around us. And how many instances have you and I known of these monopolies of county administration! I knew a county in which a particular family (a numerous one) got possession of the bench, and for a whole generation never admitted a man on it who was not of its clan or connection. I know a county now of one thousand and five hundred militia, of which sixty are Federalists. Its court is of thirty members, of whom twenty are Federalists (every third man of the sect). There are large and populous districts in it, without a justice, because without a Federalist for appointment: the militia are as disproportionably under Federal officers. And there is no authority on earth which can break up this junto, short of a general convention. The remaining one thousand four hundred and forty, free, fighting, and paying citizens, are governed by men neither of their choice nor confidence, and without a hope of relief. They are certainly excluded from the blessings of a free government for life, and indefinitely, for aught the Constitution has provided. This solecism may be called anything but republican, and ought undoubtedly to be corrected. I salute you with constant friendship and respect. TH. JEFFERSON. To Samuel Kercheval. MONTICELLO, September 5, 1816. SIR: Your letter of August the 16th is just received. That which I wrote to you under the address of H. Tompkinson, was intended for the author of the pan |