APPENDIX NO. XXI.-VOL. III. p. 253.

Gallatin's remarks on Vice-Presidential Nomination of 1804.

In Mr. Trist's Memoranda occurs the following record of a conversation which took place between himself and Mr. Gallatin, April 21st, 1829:

"The custom [said Mr. Gallatin] was becoming established for the Vice-President to succeed to the Presidency; the only exception had been in the case of Mr. Burr, who killed himself.' Under these circumstances it occurred to John Smith (perhaps N. P. T. is mistaken in the Christian name), an excellent man and very good friend of mine, to bring forward Governor Clinton. Governor Clinton was confessedly one of the most weighty characters in the Union; but he had, thus far, confined himself altogether to his own State; he had never aspired, nor did he now aspire, to federal office; moreover, the age at which he was arriving, in a great measure, precluded a change of theatre. Still, he must needs be brought forward. Smith, considerably to my surprise, enlisted Wilson C. Nicholas in the plan. I called their attention to the standing of Governor Clinton, to the customary title to the presidency which had already, in some measure, become attached to the Vice-Presidency; and pointed out that, if their intention was not to elevate Governor C. to the Presidency (which 'twas not), they must be cautious how they dealt with him. He was no man of straw, whom they could put up and take down, to suit their purposes. These admonitions had not the desired effect. At that time the caucus system was in full force. There was a party opposed to Smith's scheme, at the head of them John Randolph and Macon (' who were the leaders of the H. Reps.' N. P. T. thinks he said), who went into the caucus intending to set up old Langdon (N. P. T. thinks was the name), of Massachusetts; the sort of man that the purposes of the party required. To their utter dismay, they found themselves in a minority, and Clinton was nominated. Macon swore he would never attend another caucus, and this was the origin of his enmity to them. When the period came, the party did not take up Clinton for President, and my anticipations were verified. The whole Clinton family and influence broke off."

Mr. Trist is undoubtedly correct in the name of John Smith, who was, at the time, a senator in Congress from New York. So, too, of Mr. Langdon, except that he was from New Hampshire instead of Massachusetts. Nicholas swore (or stated) on Burr's trial, that he himself was active in behalf of Clinton's nomination to the VicePresidency, and that fact is otherwise notorious. But the "whole Clinton family and influence" did not "break off" in consequence of George Clinton's not being "taken up," for President. That he felt sore on the subject is certain. But that he understood De Witt Clinton to be a supporter of Mr. Madison in the election of 1808, we have the evidence of his own hand, in manuscript letters. De Witt Clinton was a senator in the New York Legislature, and before taking his seat in the session of 1807-8 (says Hammond in the Political History of New York), "renounced his opposition to the Embargo laws, and professed his approbation of the measures of the General Administration." On the 31st of January, 1809, he introduced resolutions in the New York Legislature approving of the Administration, and pledging the State of New York to its support. In his speech on the occasion, he denounced the measures in Massachusetts to prevent the Embargo from being enforced-charged the opposition there with pursuing measures tending to a dissolution of the Union-and applying to them a line from Milton, declared: they thought it

"Better to reign in Hell than serve in Heaven."

APPENDIX No. XXII.-VOL. III. p. 301.

Memorial.

To the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, the Memorial of the subscribers, merchants and others, inhabitants of the city of New York, respectfully showeth :

That your memorialists feel, in common with the rest of their fellow-citizens, an anxious solicitude for the honor and interests of their country, and an equal determination to assert and maintain them.

That your memorialists believe that a continuation of the restrictive measures now in operation will produce all the benefits, while it prevents the calamities of war. That when the British ministry become convinced that a trade with the United States cannot be renewed, but by the repeal of the orders in council, the distress of their merchants and manufacturers, and their inability to support their armies in Spain and Portugal, will probably compel them to that measure.

Your memorialists beg leave to remark that such effects are even now visible; and it may be reasonably hoped that a continuance of the Embargo and non-importation laws, a few months beyond the fourth day of July next, will effect a complete and bloodless triumph of our rights.

Your memorialists, therefore, respectfully solicit of your honorable body the passage of a law continuing the Embargo, and giving to the President of the United States power to discontinue the whole of the restrictive system, on the rescinding of the British orders in council.

The conduct of France in burning our ships, in sequestering our property entering her ports, expecting protection in consequence of the promised repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the delay in completing a treaty with the American minister, has excited great sensations; and we hope and trust will call forth from your honorable body such retaliatory measures as may be best calculated to procure justice.

Amasa Jackson,
William J. Robinson,
Joseph Strong,
Abraham J. Hallet,
Joshua Jones,

Frederic Giraud, jr.,

Robert Roberts,

John Crookes,
Hugh M'Cormick,
John Depeyster,
Gilbert Haight,
James Lovett,
Leffert Lefferts,

Augustus Wynkoop,
John W. Gale,
Thomas Rich,
Samuel Marshall,

Elbert Herring.

APPENDIX NO. XXIII.-VOL. III. p. 350.

Three Letters from Mr. Jefferson to a grand-daughter when a young child.
WASHINGTON, April 3, '08.

MY DEAR CORNELIA: I have owed you a letter two months, but have had nothing to write about, till last night I found in a newspaper the four lines which I now inclose you: and as you are learning to write, they will be a good lesson to convince you of the importance of minding your stops in writing. I allow you a day to find out yourself how to read these lines, so as to make them true. If you cannot do it in that time, you may call in assistance. At the same time, I will give you four other lines, which I learnt when I was but a little older than you, and I still remember.

F

I've seen the sea all in a blaze of fire

I've seen a house high as the moon and higher
I've seen the sun at twelve o'clock at night

I've seen the man who saw this wondrous sight."

All this is true, whatever you may think of it at first reading. I mentioned in my letter of last week to Ellen, that I was under an attack of periodical headache. This is the 10th day. It has been very moderate, and yesterday did not last more than three hours. Tell your mamma that I fear I shall not get away as soon as I expected. Congress has spent the last five days without employing a single hour in the business necessary to be finished. Kiss her for me, and all the sisterhood. To Jefferson I give my hand, to your papa my affectionate salutations. You have always my love.

TH. JEFFERSON.

P. S.-April 5. I have kept my letter open till to-day, and am able to say now, that my headache for the last two days has been scarcely sensible.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 26, '08.

I congratulate you, my dear Cornelia, on having acquired the valuable art of writing. How delightful to be enabled by it to converse with an absent friend, as if present! To this we are indebted for all our reading; because it must be written before we can read it. To this we are indebted for the Iliad, the Enead, the Columbiad, Henriad, Dunciad, and now, for the most glorious poem of all, the Terrapiniad, which I now inclose you. This sublime poem consigns to everlasting fame the greatest achievement in war ever known to ancient or modern times: in the battle of David and Goliath, the disparity between the combatants was nothing in comparison to our case. I rejoice that you have learnt to write, for another reason; for as that is done with a goose-quill, you now know the value of a goose, and of course you will assist Ellen in taking care of the half-dozen very fine grey geese which I shall send by Davy. But as to this, I must refer to your mamma to decide whether they will be safest at Edgehill or at Monticello till I return home, and to give orders accordingly. I received letters a few days ago from Mr. Bankhead and Anne. They are well. I had expected a visit from Jefferson at Christmas, had

there been a sufficient intermission in his lectures. But I suppose there was not, as he is not come. Remember me affectionately to your papa and mamma, and kiss Ellen and all the children for me.

TH. JEFFERSON.

P. S. Since writing the above, I have a letter from Mr. Peale informing me that Jefferson is well, and saying the best things of him.

MONTICELLO, June 8, 11.

MY DEAR CORNELIA: I have lately received a copy of Miss Edgeworth's Moral Tales, which seeming better suited to your years than to mine, I inclose you the first volume. The other two shall follow as soon as your mamma has read them. They are to make a part of your library. I have not looked into them, preferring to receive their character from you, after you shall have read them. Your family of silk-worms is reduced to a single individual. That is now spinning his broach.' To encourage Virginia and Mary to take care of it, I tell them that as soon as they can get wedding-gowns from this spinner, they shall be married. I propose the same to you; that, in order to hasten its work, you may hasten home; for we all wish much to see you, and to express in person, rather than by letter, the assurance of our affectionate love.

TH. JEFFERSON.

P. S.-The girls desire me to add a postscript, to inform you that Mrs. Higginbotham has just given them new dolls.

APPENDIX NO. XXIV.-VOL. III., p. 363.

Disunion feelings in New England.

A strong disunion feeling manifested itself in New England, as early as 1796, during General Washington's Administration. A carefully-written series of papers, said at the time to be prepared by an association of individuals of the highest position and influence, appeared in a leading Connecticut newspaper (the Hartford Courant), over the signature of Pelham, urging a dissolution of the confederacy. The tenor and spirit of these articles will be sufficiently understood from the following extracts:

"The Northern States can subsist as a nation, as a Republic, without any connection with the Southern. It cannot be contested, that if the Southern States were possessed of the same political ideas, an union would still be more desirable than a separation. But when it becomes a serious question, whether we shall give up our government, or part with the States south of the Potomac, no man north of that river, whose heart is not thoroughly democratic, can hesitate what decision to make."

*

"I shall in future papers consider some of the great events which will lead to a

The name given by slaves, and probably generally, in common conversation in Virginia to s spool.

separation of the United States; show the importance of retaining their present Constitution, even at the expense of a separation; endeavor to prove the impossibility of an union for any long period in future, both from the moral and political habits of the citizens of the Southern States; and finally examine carefully to see whether we have not already approached the era when they must be divided."

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*

*

*

*

"Negroes are, in all respects, except in regard to life and death, the cattle of the citizens of the Southern States. If they were good for food, the probability is, that even the power of destroying their lives would be enjoyed by their owners, as fully as it is over the lives of their cattle. It cannot be, that their laws prohibit the owners from killing their slaves, because those slaves are human beings, or because it is a moral evil to destroy them. If that were the case, how can they justify their being treated, in all other respects, like brutes? for it is in this point of view alone that negroes in the Southern States are considered in fact as different from cattle. They are bought and sold-they are fed or kept hungry-they are clothed or reduced to nakedness-they are beaten, turned out to the fury of the elements, and torn from their dearest connections, with as little remorse as if they were beasts of the field."

The election of John Adams quieted these feelings for a period; and so rapid and general was the popular defection from the Federalists, on Jefferson's accession -so hopeless were the leaders of finding any followers-that disunion slept until the acquisition of Louisiana. We have already recorded that the younger Adams, when President (October 21st, 1828), declared publicly that a disunion party existed in New England at the period of the Embargo, and had existed there "for several years"—that he knew this from "unequivocal evidence." On the 26th of November following, Harrison Gray Otis, and twelve other prominent Federal gentlemen of Massachusetts, in a public letter, asked Mr. Adams to furnish "a full and precise statement of the facts and evidence relating to this accusation," solemnly declaring "that they had never known nor suspected that the party which prevailed in Massachusetts in the year 1808, or any other party in that State, ever entertained the design to produce a dissolution of the Union, or the establishment of a separate confederation."

President Adams replied, December 30th, 1828:

"This design had been formed in the winter of 1803 and '4, immediately after, and as a consequence of the acquisition of Louisiana. This plan was so far matured, that the proposal had been made to an individual to permit himself, at the proper time, to be placed at the head of the military movements, which it was foreseen would be necessary for carrying it into execution. . . That project,

I repeat, had gone to the length of fixing upon a military leader for its execution; and although the circumstances of the times never admitted of its execution, nor even of its full development, I had yet no doubt in 1808 and 1809, and have no doubt at this time, that it is the key of all the great movements of these leaders of the Federal party in New England, from that time forward, till its final catastrophe in the Hartford Convention. The annexation of Louisiana to the Union

was believed to be unconstitutional, but it produced no excitement to resistance among the people. Its beneficial consequences to the whole Union were soon felt, and took away all possibility of holding it up, as the labarum of a political religion of disunion. The projected separation met with other disasters, and slumbered till the attack of the Leopard on the Chesapeake, followed by the Orders in Council of 11th November, 1807, led to the Embargo of the 22d December of that year.