agriculture a scientific profession or avocation, and thus lure the "supernumeraries" into an employment where they would find occupation both for the body and mind. He said :

“The evil cannot be suddenly, nor perhaps ever entirely cured: nor should I presume to say by what means it may be cured. Doubtless there are many engines which the nation might bring to bear on this object. Public opinion, and public encouragement are among these. The class principally defective is that of agriculture. It is the first in utility, and ought to be the first in respect. The same artificial means which have been used to produce a competition in learning, may be equally successful in restoring agriculture to its primary dignity in the eyes of men. It is a science of the very first order. It counts among its handmaids the most respectable sciences, such as Chemistry, Natural Philosophy, Mechanics, Mathematics generally, Natural History, Botany. In every College and University, a professorship of agriculture, and the class of its students, might be honored as the first. Young men closing their academical education with this, as the crown of all other sciences, fascinated with its solid charms, and at a time when they are to choose an Occupation, instead of erowding the other classes, would return to the farms of their fathers, their own, or those of others, and replenish and invigorate a calling, now languishing under contempt and oppression. The charitable schools, instead of storing their pupils with a lore which the present state of society does not call for, converted into schools of agriculture, might restore them to that branch qualified to enrich and honor themselves, and to increase the productions of the nation instead of consuming them. A gradual abolition of the useless offices, so much accumulated in all governments, might close this drain also from the labors of the field, and lessen the burdens imposed on them. By these, and the better means which will occur to others, the surcharge of the learned, might in time be drawn off to recruit the laboring class of citizens, the sum of industry be increased, and that of misery diminished.

*

"The general desire of men to live by their heads rather than their hands, and the strong allurements of great cities to those who have any turn for dissipation, threaten to make them here, as in Europe, the sinks of voluntary misery."

Views according with the above were often expressed by the President in his family. His grandson, Colonel T. J. Randolph, writes us:

"He held in little esteem the education that made men ignorant and helpless as to the common necessities of life; and he exemplified it by an incident which occurred to a young gentleman returned from Europe, where he had been educated. On riding out with his companions, the strap of his saddle-girth broke at the hole of the buckle; and they, perceiving it an accident easily remedied, rode on and left him. A plain man coming up, and seeing that his horse had made a circular path in the road

stances, a good deal of distress. Mr. Jefferson remarked, in the letter from which we are quoting: "Many, who cannot find employment in Europe, accordingly come here. Those who can labor do well, for the most part. Of the learned class of emigrants, a small portion find employments analogous to their talents. But many fail, and return to complete their course of misery in the scenes where it began."

'Sup

in his impatience to get on, asked if he could aid him? 'Oh, sir,' replied the young man, if you could only assist me to get it up to the next hole?" pose you let it out a hole or two on the other side,' said the man."

In a letter to Mr. Gallatin, of December 13th, the President advised him that he should consider it inexpedient for the former to give any opinion in reply to a question from the president of the United States Bank, whether it would be proper to change the manner of electing the officers of the branch institutions; and this on the ground that the Government ought not, by volunteering its sanction, to disarm itself "of any fair right of animadversion, whenever that institution should be a legitimate subject of consideration." What follows, shows that his hostility to the Bank was quite as decided as on the first presentation of the question during General Washington's Administration— that, indeed, it had rather gained than lost in intensity. He

wrote:

"From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea of establishing a branch bank of the United States in New Orleans. This institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing, against the principles and form of our Constitution. The nation is, at this time, so strong and united in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this moment. But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of a republican government to meet a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating by its branches every part of the Union, acting by command and in phalanx, may, in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe which is under the vassalage of any selfconstituted authorities, or any other authority than that of the nation, or its regular functionaries. What an obstruction could not this bank of the United States, with all its branch banks, be in time of war? It might dictate to us the peace we should accept, or withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give further growth to an institution so powerful, so hostile? That it is so hostile we know, 1, from a knowledge of the principles of the persons composing the body of directors in every bank, principal or branch; and those of most of the stockholders: 2, from their opposition to the measures and principles of the Government, and to the election of those friendly to them: and 3, from the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now, while we are strong, it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our Constitution, to bring this powerful enemy to a perfect subordination under its authorities. The first measure would be to reduce them to an equal footing only with other banks, as to the favors of the Government. But, in order to be able to meet a general combination of the banks against us, in a critical emergency, could we not make a beginning towards an independent use of our own money, towards holding our own bank in all the deposits where it is received, and letting the treasurer give his draft or note, for payment at any particular place, which, in a well conducted go. vernment, ought to have as much credit as any private draft, or bank note, or bill, and would give us the same facilities which we derive from the banks? I pray you

to turn this subject in your mind, and to give it the benefit of your knowledge of details; whereas, I have only very general views of the subject. Affectionate salutations."

A remark in a letter to Timothy Bloodworth, January 29th (1804), gives the substance of one frequently made by him, smilingly, in his family. After reciting some of the measures of his Administration, he said:

"I think [these] must reconcile the great body of those who thought themselves our enemies, but were in truth only the enemies of certain Jacobinical, atheistical, anarchical, imaginary caricatures, which existed only in the land of the Raw-head and Bloody-bones, beings created to frighten the credulous."

Colonel Randolph writes us:

"In speaking of the calumnies which had been uttered against his public and private character with such unmitigated and untiring bitterness, he said that he had not considered them as abusing him; they had never known him. They had created an imaginary being clothed with odious attributes, to whom they gave his name; and it was against that creature of their imaginations they had levelled their anathemas."

Mr. Jefferson wrote Dr. Priestley, January 29th:

"Have you seen the new work of Malthus on population? It is one of the ablest I have ever seen. Although his main object is to delineate the effects of redundancy of population, and to test the poor laws of England, and other palliations for that evil, several important questions in political economy, allied to his subject incidentally, are treated with a masterly hand. It is a single octavo volume, and I have been only able to read a borrowed copy, the only one I have yet heard of."

On the 1st of February, he thanked M. Say, the distinguished French writer on Political Economy, for a copy of his work on that subject, which he had just forwarded to the President. He again spoke well of Malthus's work. He advanced, or rather suggested the idea, that the distribution of labor supposed to be the best in Europe-namely, placing manufacturing hands alongside the agricultural, "so that the one part shall feed both, and the other part furnish both with clothes and other comforts"-might not be the one best applicable to the United States. As Europe had as much population as her products could sustain (or as the increase in each must be limited and slow), and as America had land enough to keep up the most rapid possible advance of population, and at the same time produce

an enormous surplus of food, he suggested whether it would not be better for America to raise food "to nourish the now perishing births of Europe" (an allusion to Malthus's theory of the fatal necessity of starvation, where human fecundity outruns the means of subsistence), and that Europe in return should send us our clothes and other comforts." He said "morality" favored this idea; and "so invariably did the laws of nature create our duties and interests, that when they seem to be at variance, we ought to suspect some fallacy in our reasonings."

In a letter to Mr. Gerry, of March 3d, the President, after stating the general prospects of the two political parties, thus alluded to his feelings in respect to his own renomination:

"I sincerely regret that the unbounded calumnies of the Federal party have obliged me to throw myself on the verdict of my country for trial, my great desire having been to retire, at the end of the present term, to a life of tranquillity; and it was my decided purpose when I entered into office. They force my continuance. If we can keep the vessel of State as steadily in her course for another four years, my earthly purposes will be accomplished, and I shall be free to enjoy, as you are doing, my family, my farm, and my books."

On the 16th of April he wrote (from Monticello) to the Postmaster General, commenting on a statement of the latter that there was a Federal scheme on foot for forming a coalition between the Federalists and Republicans, "of what they called the seven eastern States." The commentary is far too good to be omitted:

"The Federalists know, that, eo nomine, they are gone forever. Their object, therefore, is how to return into power under some other form. Undoubtedly they have but one means, which is to divide the Republicans, join the minority, and barter with them for the cloak of their name. I say, join the minority; because the majority of the Republicans, not needing them, will not buy them. The minority, having no other means of ruling the majority, will give a price for auxiliaries, and that price must be principle. It is true that the Federalists, needing their numbers also, must also give a price, and principle is the coin they must pay in. Thus a bastard system of Federo-Republicanism will rise on the ruins of the true principles of our Revolution. And when this party is formed, who will constitute the majority of it, which majority is then to dictate? Certainly the Federalists. Thus their proposition of putting themselves into gear with the Republican minority, is exactly like Roger Sherman's proposition to add Connecticut to Rhode Island. The idea of forming seven eastern States is moreover clearly to form the basis of a separation of the Union. Is it possible that real Republicans can be gulled by such a bait? And for what? What do they wish that they have not? Federal

measures? That is impossible? Republican measures? Have they them not? Can any one deny, that in all important questions of principle, Republicanism prevails? But do they not want that their individual will shall govern the majority? They may purchase the gratification of this unjust wish, for a little time, at a great price; but the Federalists must not have the passions of other men, if, after getting thus into the seat of power, they suffer themselves to be governed by their minority. This minority may say, that whenever they relapse into their own principles, they will quit them and draw the seat from under them. They may quit them, indeed, but in the meantime, all the venal will have become associated with them, and will give them a majority sufficient to keep them in place, and to enable them to eject the heterogeneous friends by whose aid they get again into power. I cannot believe any portion of real Republicans will enter into this trap; and if they do, I do not believe they can carry with them the mass of their States, advancing so steadily as we see them, to a union of principle with their brethren. It will be found in this, as in all other similar cases, that crooked schemes will end by overwhelming their authors and coadjutors in disgrace, and that he alone who walks strict and upright, and who, in matters of opinion, will be contented that others should be as free as himself, and acquiesce when his opionion is fairly overruled, will attain his object in the end. And that this may be the conduct of us all, I offer my sincere prayers, as well as for your health and happiness."

The following family letters, though scattered over a wide space, we prefer, for obvious reasons, to present connectedly.

TO MARIA JEFFERSON EPPES, EDGEHILL.

WASHINGTON, Nov. 27, 1808.

It is rare, my ever dear Maria, during a session of Congress that I can get time to write anything but letters of business, and this, though a day of rest to others, is not all so to me. We are all well here, and hope the post of this evening will bring us information of the health of all at Edgehill, and particularly that Martha and the new bantling are both well; and that her example gives you good spirits. When Congress will rise no mortal can tell: not from the quantity, but the dilatoriness of business. Mr. Lilly having finished the mill, is now, I suppose, engaged in the road which we have been so long wanting; and that done, the next job will be the levelling of Pantops. I anxiously long to see under way the work necessary to fix you there, that we may one day be all together. Mr. Stewart is now here on his way back to his family, whom he will probably join Thursday or Friday. Will you tell your sister that the pair of stockings she sent me by Mr. Randolph are quite large enough, and also have fur enough in them. I inclose some papers for Anne; and must continue in debt to Jefferson a letter for a while longer. Take care of yourself, my dearest Maria, have good spirits, and know that courage is as essential to triumph in your case as in that of a soldier. Keep us all, therefore, in heart of being so yourself; give my tender affections to your sister, and receive them for yourself also, with assurances that I live in your love only, and in that of your sister.

Adieu, my dear daughter.

TH. JEFFERSON.