Having bought an empire, who is to be the emperor? The sovereign people? all, or only the people of the dominant States, and the dominant demagogues in those States, who call themselves the people? As in old Rome, Marius, or Sylla, or Cæsar, Pompey, Antony, or Lepidus will vote themselves provinces and triumphs. Never before was it attempted to play the fool on so great a scale. The game, however, will not be half played; nay, it will not be begun, before it is changed into another, where the knave will turn up trump and win the odd trick.

"But what say you wise ones? Is the payment of so many millions to a belligerent no breach of neutrality, especially under the existing circumstances of the case, when Great Britain is fighting our battles and the battles of mankind, and France is combating for the power to enslave and plunder us and all the world ?" 1

It was about a fortnight after this that he wrote the declaration that in "England he beheld a real people," and "patriotism broad awake," quoted in an earlier portion of this work; and he was peculiarly liberal at this period in applying his customary savory "free negro" comparisons to comparisons to our Government and people.

Morris wrote Roger Griswold, November 25th, 1803:

"When the people have been long enough drunk, they will get sober; but while the frolic lasts, to reason with them is useless. Their present leaders take advantage of their besotted condition, and tie their hands and feet; but if this prevents them from running into the fire, why should we, who are their friends, complain?" 2

Whether Hamilton wrote in respect to the accession of Louisiana, and his letters have not been preserved, we are unable to say. We find nothing on the topic in his published correspondence.

Some other events of the Congressional session demand our notice.

The bankrupt law passed during Mr. Adams's Administration was repealed, with the hearty concurrence of the President. This sent another large batch of Government appointees out of office.

Louisiana was erected into two territories, that portion of it south of a line running west from the Mississippi, at 33° of north latitude, called Orleans, and that north retaining the name of Louisiana. A temporary government was framed for each.

1 Ames's Works, vol. i. p. 329. It is probable that Mr. Ames's habitual solicitude for the rights of England would not have so far outran those of George III. and Lord Hawkesbury had he seen Mr. King's dispatches.

Morris's Life and Works, vol. iii. p. 184.

A bill passed by the requisite majority of two-thirds, though warmly resisted by the Federalists, for submitting an amendment of the Constitution, requiring the President and Vice-President to be separately voted for.

On the 5th of December the President had announced the cessation of difficulties with Morocco, and he awarded great praise to the officers who had commanded in the operations against that power, Preble, Rogers, Campbell and Bainbridge.

On the 20th of March a private message communicated the intelligence that Captain Bainbridge had been wrecked in the Philadelphia frigate, on the coast of Tripoli, and that its entire crew had fallen into the hands of the Tripolitans.

On the 26th of March a bill passed, imposing, after the 30th of June following, an additional duty of two and a half per centum ad valorem on all imports paying ad valorem duties, and increasing it to ten per centum on imports in foreign vessels.. The proceeds of this tariff were to be termed the "Mediterranean Fund," and exclusively applied to carrying on the warlike operations necessary for the protection of commerce in that sea.

An indication of the height to which party spirit ran this session is presented by the circumstance that a resolution, introduced into the Senate, that the members wear crape on their arms for a month, "in testimony of the national gratitude and reverence to the memories of Samuel Adams and Edmund Pendleton, recently deceased, was made a party question, every Federalist but White of Delaware voting against it.' The House had unanimously decided to wear this badge of mourning for Samuel Adams. On learning the death of Pendleton, a similar resolution passed without any dissenting votes.'

John Pickering, Judge of the United States District Court of New Hampshire, was put on his trial before the Senate, for impeachment, on charges preferred the preceding session. His son petitioned for a delay, on the ground that his father had been insane for upwards of two years, and still continued so, and that he was too feeble to be brought to Washington. He had exercised judicial duties during this alleged derangement. He had been given the whole period since the last session to

1 Bradley of Vermont, and John Smith of Ohio, Republicans, voted with the Federalists.

2 Ayes, seventy-seven.

prepare for trial. No overture was made looking towards his vacation of the office. The Senate, therefore, decided the trial must proceed.

Though there was some respectable testimony in proof of his insanity prior to his intemperance, it was made abundantly apparent that he was a gross, habitual and notorious drunkard; and that, if the wild, indecorous and illegal proceedings' of which he was guilty were not the sole results of actual and ordinary drunkenness, the insanity he manifested was the concomitant and reciprocal effect of his wholly unrestrained inebriety.

After two ineffectual attempts to suspend proceedings, decided by nearly strict party votes (the Federalists voting for, and the Republicans against the suspension), the trial was pushed to a close, and Pickering was pronounced guilty on the articles of impeachment by a vote of nineteen to seven. The nays were all Federalists. The vote for removal stood twenty to six, Wells of Delaware now voting with the majority.

An effort was made throughout the trial, and afterwards, to represent this unfortunate officer as the victim of Republican and Executive persecution. But the real features of the case were too broad and apparent to be mistaken by any one.

The House ordered articles of impeachment to be prepared against Samuel Chase, one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, but his trial was deferred to the next session.

Congress adjourned on the 27th of March.

1 He raved and blasphemed on the bench in open court-cursed the parties-called people (sometimes perfect strangers) to come up and sit beside him on the bench, threatening to cane them if they refused. He had wholly refused to perform his duties in a case where he was called upon to enforce the revenue laws of the United States.

CHAPTER III.

1804-1805.

Republican Congressional Caucus to nominate President and Vice-President-George Clinton-President's Correspondence-Considers Learned Professions overstocked and proposes a Remedy-His Feelings towards U. S. Bank in 1803-His Enemies attacking an Imaginary Personage-Malthus and Say-Reasons for accepting a RenominationViews on a Coalition with the Federalists-Family Letters-Death of his Daughter, Mrs. Eppes-Account of, by a Member of the Family-Condolences of Governor Page and Judge Tyler-Letter of Condolence from Mrs. John Adams and Reply-Their further Correspondence and the Sequel-The Conduct of both considered-A new Rule of Official Removals avowed-President's Views of Louisiana Boundary, etc.-Official Appointments for Orleans Territory-A Letter to Mazzei-Provision for Lafayette-To Madison-Desires Republican Officeholders not to interfere in Elections-Death of General Hamilton-His last Public Letter-His Political Standing at the time of his DeathResult of the Presidential Election-Federal Calumnies-An Example-The Poet Moore's Statement that the President treated the British Minister with Incivility-The Circumstances Official Correspondence on the Subject-The Sequel-Thomas Moore's individual Grievance-His Course and Views in this Country-His Presentation to the President His Lampoons on the President-Anecdote-Jefferson and the Irish Melodies J. Q. Adams's better kept Grudge- -Second Session of Eighth Congress-President's Message-Changes in the Seuate-Impeachment of Judge Chase-The Resu!t— Reasons for his Acquittal-Constitutional Amendments proposed-Congressional Proceedings-Gun-boats-Classes interested in opposing them-President's Policy in not seeking to build up a great Navy-Disasters of War of 1812 imputed to this CauseStrength of English Navy in 1803-Strength of American Navy on Jefferson's Accession-Result of a great-navy Policy-Population and moneyed Wealth compared-The Absurdity of then attempting to rival England as a Naval Power-The Results of the Opposite Course-Growing a better way of acquiring Strength than Arming-The Peace Policy-Jefferson's exclusive Responsibility for it-Gun-boat Bill passed-Law against Violators of Neutrality-Enactments against American Contraband Trade in West Indies Territoral Bills-President's Correspondence-Early Prejudices against the class of Artisans recanted-Letter to Taylor avowing his Determination to retire at close of Second Term-Inauguration-Inaugural Speech-Cabinet Changes-Local Republican Schisms-President's Letter to Logan on Consequences of these SchismsCharacter of Family Correspondence henceforth-Letter to J.W. Eppes.

DURING the late session of Congress, a Republican caucus had been held to nominate candidates for the Presidency and

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Vice-Presidency. Mr. Jefferson was unanimously renominated. Colonel Burr was so completely stripped of the confidence of his party that there was not a faction in Congress in favor of his reelection; and the vote for the Vice-Presidential candidate stood for George Clinton, sixty-seven; for John Breckenridge, twenty; for Levi Lincoln, nine; for John Langdon, seven; for Gideon Granger, four; for Samuel Maclay, one.

Mr. Clinton had been Governor of New York throughout the Revolution and for a considerable subsequent period. He had been the leader of the party in that State which so long and pertinaciously opposed the adoption of the Federal Constitution; and he became the leader of the Republicans when that party was organized. Without any of that brilliancy of talent possessed by his celebrated nephew, De Witt Clinton, he was nevertheless a man of solid parts, firm good sense, and invincible determination. His decided executive ability had been tested by a long and successful career in civil and military positions. His integrity was undisputed, his private character irreproachable. He was four years older than the President. All things considered, his nomination was an eminently fit one, and it was greatly to be regretted that it had not been made four years earlier, in the place of that of a corrupt intriguer who had never really approached Mr. Clinton in the estimation of the people of his State.'

We shall glance rapidly over such of the President's correspondence during the late session, as has not been adverted to, and which presents interesting ideas or facts not already given.

In a letter to David Williams, November 14th (1803), he complained that certain causes, which he enumerated, had "long since produced an overcharge in the class of competitors for learned occupations, and great distress among the supernumerary candidates; and the more, as their habits of life had disqualified them for reëntering into the laborious class." In other words, Mr. Jefferson meant to say that the legal and medical professions were overstocked, including teachers in the higher departments of science. The remedy he proposed was to make

1 Those who desire to know the causes and means of Burr's first nomination, and why Mr. Clinton was passed over on that occasion, will find them explained in Hammond's Political History of New York.

The disturbed political relations of Europe had driven many learned men to our shores, who being unacquainted with American modes of living, suffered, in some in