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sturdiest of English reformers-—this Whig Cobbet, with the principles and tastes of a gentleman—this “old radical,” this “heart of sedition,” “the old heart in London from which the veins of sedition in the country were supplied,” as Canning styled him, in the House of Commons—this man who counted among his personal friends Fox, and Sheridan, and Wilberforce, and Whitbread, and Price, was, of course, an admirer of Jefferson.' The communication of the latter to him is too long for even analysis here. He agreed with Cartwright, in deriving the English Constitution from the Saxons, and said that this was set at naught by the Norman conquerors, etc. Jefferson proceeded to cite a multitude of authorities to prove the judicial dictum untrue that Christianity was a part of the common law, and to show when and how it was interpolated into English decisions. The body of these citations constitute but an abridgment from an article in Jefferson's common-place book, when he was a law student.” Cartwright received this letter on the 13th of July, and observed with high satisfaction, that the signature was as firm as that to the Declaration of Independence. He published it; and his biography states that he again wrote to Jefferson, on the 28th of the same month. This letter was long in reaching its destination, and a knowledge of the publication of the former one preceded it. Jefferson wrote Edward Everett (October 15th): “Your letter of September the 10th gave me the first information that mine to Major Cartwright had got into the newspapers; and the first notice, indeed, that he had received it. I was a stranger to his person, but not to his respectable and patriotic character. I received from him a long and interesting letter, and answered it with frankness, going without reserve into several subjects, to which his letter had led, but on which I did not suppose I was writing for the newspapers. The publication of a letter in such a case, without the consent of the writer, is not a fair practice. “The part which you quote, may draw on me the host of judges and divines.” He then proceeds to elaborate and fortify portions of his argument. Cartwright was already in his grave. On the 23d of September, 1824, a philanthropist as true, and a reformer as brave as * In 1774 Cartwright published a series of letters favoring American, Independence. (See his Life and Correspondence, edited by his niece, F. D. Cartwright, 2 vols. 8vo,

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history mentions, died with rapturous exclamations on his tongue, on learning that Iturbide's schemes had failed, and that the liberties of Mexico were considered out of danger. As he died under the displeasure of Mr. Jefferson (though unapprised of it) it is with with real satisfaction we transcribe the following passage from Mr. Trist's memoranda:

Sunday, October, 1824, Mr. Jefferson said: “I have got a letter from Cartwright, and he has explained the reason of my letter getting into the papers. The very day (I believe) on which he received it, a man was condemned to three years imprisonment, on the ground that the Scriptures are a part of the common law.”

The writer of the above informs us, that this was spoken in a tone which indicated that Cartwright's explanation was received as an amply sufficient one.

On the 29th of June, Mr. Jefferson wrote the communication to Martin Van Buren, in regard to the Mazzei letter, and to the fresh charges of Pickering on that subject, which has already been cited, and sufficiently noticed."

In July he received a letter from Henry Lee, the son of Gen. Henry or Harry Lee, of the Revolution, which proved the opening of an unfortunate acquaintance." Lee's letter inclosed the prospectus of a newspaper he was about to start. Mr. Jefferson replied with great courtesy, and subscribed for the paper. His letter closed thus:

“A paper which shall be governed by the spirit of Mr. Madison's celebrated report, of which you express in your prospectus so just and high an approbation, cannot be false to the rights of all classes. The grandfathers of the present generation of your family I knew well. They were friends and fellow-laborers with me in the same cause and principle. Their descendants cannot follow better guides. Accept the assurance of my best wishes and respectful consideration.”

General Lafayette made his triumphal visit to the United States in 1824. He landed at New York, in August, and his progress through the country was one entire ovation. On the first of October he wrote to Mr. Jefferson, from Philadelphia, informing him that he proposed to visit his neighborhood; and the latter immediately sent him a warm invitation to come to Monticello.

Jefferson wrote to Richard Rush, four days afterwards, that

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the people of the United States were thrown into a “delirium ” of joy by the visit of Lafayette; and he added:

“He is making a triumphant progress through the States, from town to town, with acclamations of welcome, such as no crowned head ever received. It will have a good effect in favor of the General with the people in Europe, but probably a different one with their sovereigns. Its effect here, too, will be salutary as to ourselves, by rallying us together, and strengthening the habit of considering our country as one and indivisible, and I hope we shall close it with something more solid for him than dinners and balls.”

The last hint was subsequently improved upon by its author's proposing that Congress testify its gratitude to the nation's guest, and former benefactor, by making a handsome pecuniary provision for him. The losses which Lafayette had incurred, and his liberal style of living, it was supposed would render this form of testimonial the most convenient one to him in his declining years. The proposition was fortunately timed, and there was but one voice in regard to it. Congress responded to the popular sentiment by voting Lafayette $200,000 and a township of land, “in consideration of his important services and expenditures during the American Revolution.”

Finally, Lafayette, surrounded by a gallant escort of mounted Virginia gentlemen, with Revolutionary banners displayed, and amidst peals of martial music, approached Monticello. Jefferson would have gone forth to some distance to meet him, but this was prohibited. The cavalcade wound up the mountain, and entered the lawn in front of the house; the fanfare of trumpets ceased ; every head was uncovered. Lafayette stepped down from his carriage, and Jefferson advanced rapidly from his door to meet him. Though time had dealt its blows on the former, his person was as erect as when, almost fifty years before, he had traversed the plains in sight of which he now stood, a fugitive or a pursuer of British invaders. But the taller and more powerful frame of Jefferson was bent and emaciated. As the old men threw themselves into each other's arms, overcome by emotion, tears streamed from nearly every eye. Lafayette's visit to Monticello proved a delightful one, both to himself and to Jefferson. Of the subjects of their discourse we have already had a sample.”

* See vol. ii. pp. 374, 375, note.

A banquet was given to Lafayette, by the citizens of Charlottesville. Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and many other distinguished Virginians were present. Everything passed off pleasantly and splendidly. Mr. Madison was peculiarly felicitous in some comments uttered by him, in reply to a toast on the career and public services of the “Nation's Guest.” One of the toasts drank was as follows: “Thomas Jefferson and the Declaration of Independence—alike identified with the cause of liberty.” Mr. Jefferson thereupon handed Mr. Southall some written remarks, which that gentleman read in reply."

Lafayette's second visit to Monticello and Charlottesville will be found sufficiently mentioned in the memoranda of Dr. Dunglison, hereafter to be given.

Mr. George Ticknor made his expected visit to Monticello in December, 1824, accompanied by his wife, and by Daniel Webster. They remained some days, and it appears that Mr. Webster soon afterwards’ reduced to writing a series of pretty minute recollections of what he saw and heard there. These are published in the recent edition of his correspondence, edited

* These contain nothing remarkable, but as they are not found in either edition of Mr. Jefferson's Works, we will transcribe them : “I will avail myself of this occasion, my beloved neighbors and friends, to thank you for the kindness ". now, and at all times, I have received at your hands. Born and bred among your fathers, led by their partiality into the line of public life, I labored in fellowship with them through that arduous struggle which, freeing us from foreign bondage, established us in the rights of self-government: rights which have blessed ourselves, and will bless, in their sequence, all the nations of the earth. In this contest, all did our utmost, and, as none could do more, none had pretensions to superior merit. “I joy, my friends, in your joy, inspired '. the visit of this our ancient and distinguished leader and benefactor. His deeds in the war of independence you have heard and read. They are known to you and embalmed in your memories, and in the pages of faithful history. His deeds, in the peace which followed that war, are perhaps not known to you; but I can attest them. When I was stationed in his country, for the pur. ose of cementing its friendship with ours, and of advancing our mutual interests, this riend of both, was my most powerful auxiliary and advocate. He made our cause his own, as in truth it was that of his native country also. His influence and connections there were great. All doors of all departments were open to him at all times; to me, only formally and at appointed times. In truth, I only held the nail, he drove it. Honor him then, as your benefactor in peace, as well as in war. “My friends, I am old, long in the disuse of making so. and without voice to utter them. In this feeble state, the exhausted powers of life leave little within my competence for your service. If, with the aid of my younger and abler coadjutors, I can still contribute anything to advance the Institution, within whose walls we are now mingling manifestations to this our guest, it will be, as it ever has been, cheerfully and zealously bestowed. And could I live to see it once enjoy the patronage and cherishment of our public authorities with undivided voice, I should die without a doubt of the future fortunes of my native State, and in the consoling contemplation of the happy influence of this institution on its character, its virtue, its prosperity, and safety. “To these effusions for the cradle and land of my birth, I add, for our nation at large, the aspirations of a heart warm with the love of country; whose invocations to heaven for its indissoluble union, will be fervent and unremitting while the pulse of life continues to beat, and, when that ceases, it will expire in prayers for the eternal duration of its freedom and prosperity.” 2 The volume is not now before us. We believe that it is stated or intimated that Mr. Webster's recollections were recorded after the termination of his visit.

by his son, and we present a few extracts. Mr. Webster thus describes Mr. Jefferson's personal appearance:

“Mr. Jefferson is now between eighty-one and eighty-two, above six feet high, of an ample, long frame, rather thin and spare. His head, which is not peculiar in its shape, is set rather forward on his shoulders; and his neck being long, there is, when he is walking or conversing, a habitual protrusion of it. It is still well covered with hair, which, having been once red, and now turning gray, is of an indistinct sandy color.

“His eyes are small, very light, and now neither brilliant nor striking. His chin is

rather long, but not pointed. His nose small, regular in its outline, and the nostrils a little elevated. His mouth is well-formed, and still filled with teeth; it is strongly compressed, bearing an expression of contentment and benevolence. His complexion, formerly light and freckled, now bears the marks of age and cutaneous affection. His limbs are uncommonly long ; his hands and feet very large, and his wrists of an extraordinary size. His walk is not precise and military, but easy and swinging. He stoops a little, not so much from age as from natural formation. When sitting, he appears short, partly from a rather lounging habit of sitting, and partly from the disproportionate length of his limbs.

“His dress, when in the house, is a grey surtout coat, kerseymere stuff waistcoat, with an under one faced with some material of a dingy red. His pantaloons are very long and loose, and of the same color as his coat. His stockings are woollen, either white or gray; and his shoes of the kind that bear his name. His whole dress is very much neglected, but not slovenly." He wears a common round hat. His dress, when on horseback, is a grey straight-bodied coat, and a spencer of the same material, both fastened with large pearl buttons. When we first saw him he was riding; and, in addition to the above articles of apparel, wore round his throat a knit white woollen tippet, in the place of a cravat, and black velvet gaiters under his pantaloons. His general appearance indicates an extraordinary degree of health, vivacity, and spirit. His sight is still good, for he needs glasses only in the evening. His hearing is generally good, but a number of voices in animated conversation confuse it.

“Mr. Jefferson rises in the morning as soon as he can see the hands of his clock, which is directly opposite his bed, and examines his thermometer immediately, as he keeps a regular meteorological diary. He employs himself chiefly in writing till breakfast, which is at nine. From that time till dinner he is in his library, excepting that in fair weather he rides on horseback from seven to fourteen miles. Dines at four, returns to the drawing-room at six, when coffee is brought in, and passes the evening till nine in conversation. His habit of retiring at that hour is so strong, that it has become essential to his health and comfort. His diet is simple, but he seems restrained only by his taste. His breakfast is tea and coffee, bread always fresh from the oven, of which he does not seem afraid, with sometimes a slight accompaniment of cold meat. He enjoys his dinner well, taking with his meat a large proportion of vegetables. He has a strong preference for the wines of the Continent, of which he has many sorts of excellent quality, having been more than

1 Several, indeed most, of these minutiae convey the impression that Mr. Webster was not closely observant of physical peculiarities. We will give two or three examples. Mr. Jefferson's eyes were not small. He was a large-boned, strong man, but it is odd that Mr. Webster should not have observed that his “wrists” were swollen out of their natural size and even shape, from causes which have been mentioned. His dress, though certainly conformed to no fashion, was not “much neglected" in any signification which we are able to attach to those words, etc. etc.

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