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, company next winter, and perhaps you may find it convenient to accompany your sister in the spring. Mr. Giles's aid, indeed, in Congress, in support of our Administration, considering his long knowledge of the affairs of the Union, his talents and the high ground on which he stands through the United States, had rendered his continuance here an object of anxious desire to those who compose the Administration; but every information we receive states that prospect to be desperate from his ill health, and will relieve me from the imputation of being willing to lose to the public so strong a supporter, for the personal gratification of having yourself and Mr. Eppes with me. I inclose you Lemaire's receipts. The orthography will be puzzling and amusing; but the receipts are valuable. Present my tender love to your sister, kisses to the young ones, and my affections to Mr. Randolph and Mr. Eppes, whom I suppose you will see soon. Be assured of my unceasing and anxious
love for yourself. Th. JEFFERSoN.
To MARIA JEFFERson EPPEs, BERMUDA HUNDRED.
Washisoros, April 25, 1803. MY DEAR MAR1A:
In a letter from Mr. Eppes, dated at the Hundred April 14th, he informed me that Francis had got well through his measles; but he does not say what your movements are to be. My chief anxiety is that you should be back to Monticello by the end of June. I shall advise Martha to get back from here by the middle of July, because the sickly season really commences here by that time, although the members of the Government venture to remain till the last week of that month. Mr. and Mrs. P. Carr stayed with me five or six days on their way to Baltimore. I think they propose to return in June. Nelly Carr continues in ill health; I believe they expect about the same time to get back to Dunlora. I wrote to Mr. Eppes yesterday. Be assured of my most affectionate and tender love to yourself and kiss Francis for me. My cordial salutations to the family at Eppington when you
see them. Adieu. TH. JEFFERson.
The following letter will be read with unusual interest, as it contains probably the strongest written expression ever made by Mr. Jefferson to one of his family on the subject of his religious opinions. The circumstances that drew it out are stated in the letter:
To MARTHA JEFFERSoN RANDolph.
MY DEAR MARTHA:
A promise made to a friend some years ago, but executed only lately, has placed my religious creed on paper. I have thought it just that my family, by possessing this should be enabled to estimate the libels published against me on this, as on every other possible subject. I have written to Philadelphia for Dr. Priestley's history of the corruptions of Christianity, which I will send you, and recomincud to an attentive perusal, because it establishes the groundwork of my view of this subject.
I have not had a line from Monticello or Edgehill since I parted with you. Peter Carr and Mrs. Carr, who stayed with me five or six days, told me Cornelia had got happily through her measles, and that Ellen had not taken them. But what has become of Anne? I thought I had her promise to write once a week, at least the words “all's well.” It is now time for you to let me know when you expect to be able to set out for Washington, and whether your own carriage can bring you half way. I think my Chickasaws, if drove moderately, will bring you well that far. Mr. Lilly knows you will want them and can add a fourth. I think that by changing horses half way you will come with more comfort. I have no gentleman to send for your escort. Finding here a beautiful blue Casimir, water proof, and thinking it will be particularly a propos for Mr. Randolph as a travelling coat for his journey, I have taken enough for that purpose, and will send it to Mr. Benson, postmaster at Fredericksburg, to be forwarded by Abrahams, and hope it will be received in time.
Mr. and Mrs. Madison will set out for Orange about the last day of the month. They will stay there but a week. I write to Maria to-day; but supposing her at the Hundred, according to what she told me of her movements, I send my letter there. I wish you to come on as early as possible, because though the members of the Government remain here to the last week in July, yet the sickly season commences in fact by the middle of that month, and it would not be safe for you to keep the children here longer than that, lest any one of them, being taken sick early, might detain the whole here till the season of general danger, and perhaps through it. Kiss the children for me. Present me affectionately to Mr. Randolph, and accept yourself assurances of my constant and tenderest love.
The religious creed here mentioned as having been placed on paper is contained in a letter to which attention will be hereafter called.
Livingston's Reception in France—His Qualifications as a Minister—Communicates the Refusal of France to sell her new American Possessions—His Assurances to France in Respect to her colonizing them—These Assurances wholly at Variance with the President's Views—His Later Dispatches—Receives the President's Letter and Formal Instructions—The Discrepancy in the latter explained—The Federalists unconsciously playing into the President's Hands—Effect of their War Proposition in the Session of 1802–3 on Bonaparte—Why he preferred a Sacrifice of Louisiana to War with the United States—Why Monroe was sent to act with Livingston—President to Monroe and to M. Dupont—Livingston's Dispatches—England and France preparing for a Renewal of War—The Crisis Anticipated by Jefferson reached—Talleyrand Proposes to Sell Louisiana–Marbois intrusted with the Negotiations by Bonaparte—His Official Offer to sell Louisiana—Answer of the American Minister—Treaty of Sale to the United States effected—Conditions of the Treaty and Conventions—Great Britain favors the Arrangement—Her Motives—The American Minister's Dispatches Home—The Secretary of State's Reply—Errors in the Minister's Dispatch corrected—Jefferson's Modesty— His Exclusive Origination of the Policy which led to the Acquisition never publicly avowed—Extent and Value of the Acquisition—Illustrative Statistical Comparisons— Other National Advantages secured besides Territory and Wealth—The Victories of the Gallic Caesar and of the Republican President compared—Consequences of President's Delicacy towards Livingston—President's Signals to England–His Letters to Sir John Sinclair and the Earl of Buchan—Republican Murmurs in 1803 at the President's Refusal to remove Federalists—His Unalterable Determination expressed to Nicholson–Result of the Spring Elections in 1803–Jefferson to Breckenridge on Further Territorial Acquisitions—The Effect of the Recent one on the Preservation of Union— Refuses to communicate his Birth-day to be made an Anniversary—Letter to Nicholas —Regards a Constitutional Amendment necessary to carry out the Stipulations of the Recent Treaty—Congress convened—Prominent Members—The President's Message —Treaty ratified by the Senate—Resolution in the House to carry it into Effect— R. Griswold's Resolution calling for Papers—Determined Opposition to Treaty by Federalists—Grounds of the Opposition—G. Griswold's Speech—Republicans take Ground that no Constitutional Amendments are Necessary—Speeches of J. Randolph, Nicholson, Rodney, etc.—Federalists admit Constitutionality of Purchase, but contend the Territories must be governed as Colonies—Motives and Effects of their Propositions—The Final Vote—Question reopened in the Senate on another Bill–Speeches of White, Pinckney, J. Q. Adams, Dayton, and Tracy—The Republican Speakers— Effect of the Federal Opposition. Political Comparisons—Ames and Morris on the State of Affairs—Hamilton Silent–Bankrupt Law Repealed—Barbary Affairs—Death of Samuel Adams and Pendleton—Impeachment of Judge Pickering—Articles of Impeachment ordered against Judge Chase—Adjournment.
CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON, on reaching the Court of France, had found himself coolly received. Jacobinism had gone out of
fashion there. But he soon showed that his republicanism was unaggressive and unmeddling. His personal tastes and habits were as far removed as possible from the Jacobin standards. He had as few of the arts or airs of the demagogue or sans-culotte as the other great leaders of American Republicanism.' Few of Bonaparte's courtiers, aspiring to the dignity of ancien régime, approached the long-occupied social plane of the stately American Patroon; and most of them were upstarts compared with him in personal and family pretensions. His wealth was reputed ducal. His hereditary possessions were greater than half a dozen French marquisates in the days of the Bourbons. He had sat in Revolutionary and pre-Revolutionary Congresses. He had been one of the committee appointed to draft the Declaration of Independence; and though not in Congress to sign the instrument, the name of a near kinsman was on this more than Battle Abbey roll. He had conducted with distinguished capacity the foreign bureau of his country. A full score of his family of the existing generation, and more than twice that number of his kinsmen, had borne high civic and military commissions. His own whole life had been spent in the highest ranks of office.
But Mr. Livingston wore his pretensions with affability and grace. Without coming under Sir Henry Wotton's punning definition of an ambassador—“an honest gentleman sent to lie abroad for his country”—he was a man of the world, possessed
1 Never was there a class of men who less put on the personal arts of demagogues than the Jeffersons, Samuel Adamses, Clintons, Livingstons, Dickinsons, McKeans, Macons, Pendletons, Madisons, Monroes, Masons, Nicholases, Randolphs, Breckenridges, Rodneys, etc., etc., before or after election In this respect they (if we may credit English accounts) formed a most marked contrast with the manners of the English nobility of the same period, when they or their family cadets, or friends, were candidates for contested seats in the House of Commons. It is matter of record that the fortunes of even noble families were wrecked in these contests. One of Wilberforce's elections cost more than the annual expenses of one of our then American State Governments. Noblemen went about shaking hands and personally soliciting votes. Duchesses and Countesses did the same ; and tradition says that the magnificent Duchess of Devonshire (the same, we believe, so nobly immortalized as “free Nature's uncorrupted child,” in a lyric of Coleridge), on being offered a vote by a greasy clown—for Fox, if we remember aright —in exchange for a kiss, promptly sealed the contract and won the vote ' An American statesman of that day could address the people at the polls, explaining his views—but he could not stoop to individual solicitation, and much less to some other English appliances. And his wife or his daughter would as soon have thought of emulating the exploit of Godiva (of o as of the Duchess Georgiana. The American “Jacobins” of 1796, 1800, and thence along through the third Presidency, are not to be mistaken by young historical students for the pure French article! If democracy is Jacobinism per se, they were Jacobins. But in all the practical applications, and in the externals, they were about as near the French standard as were Aristides, Fabricius, and William Tell. * Dr. Dunglison, of Philadelphia, gave us a new turn to this witticism by Mr. Madison. The latter was on his back on a sofa, at Montpellier, complaining of considerable indisposition, but talking with great volubility to some guests. The Doctor suggested that he would not benefit himself by speaking so much in that position. “Oh, Doctor, I always talk easiest when I lie.” was i. reply.
social tact and business experience, was remarkably well informed, was broad and liberal in his views, and on all classes of subjects displayed uncommon abilities. When such a man sought to please, he could not fail. He was soon a favorite with the First Consul, and with the more liberal and intelligent of the statesmen who surrounded him. Livingston's powers, we are inclined to think, were more remarkable for their range than for their intensity in any one department. He was scarcely an originator, though he caught a new idea promptly; and the history of his life—his munificent assistance of Fulton—his introduction of fine-wooled sheep into his country—and his patronage of all proposed undertakings of value, show how readily and liberally he entered upon new lines of thought and new practices. And having adopted an idea he pushed it with vigor and talent. Such a man was well adapted to be an ambassador of a republic, the path of which was plain and straight-forward—which had few diplomatic secrets and cared very little for those of other governments. The French Government, however, studiously avoided giving our minister any information of its purchase of Louisiana or its non-purchase of Florida. The reason will presently appear in a dispatch of Livingston. The latter, according to his instructions, attempted as a primary object to prevent the French continental acquisitions, and next, if they took place, to attempt to obtain that portion of them east of the Mississippi, and particularly West Florida, in order to secure the outlets to the Gulf of Mexico furnished by its rivers, especially the Mobile. In this Livingston met with no encouragement. On his hinting at a purchase, the minister told him “none but spendthrifts satisfied their debts by selling their lands.” De Marbois (a steady friend of the United States) informed him that the French government considered the acquired possessions an excellent “outlet for their turbulent spirits.” He soon learned that their colonization was a favorite scheme of the First Consul.” Some passages in a dispatch of Livingston, of January 13th, 1802, deserve particular attention:
“By the secrecy and duplicity practised relative to this object, it is clear to me that they apprehend some opposition on the part of America to their plans. I have,
* See Livingston's dispatches of December 10th and 12th, 1801.