powers of the earth itself, would not produce more value than that of the manufacturer alone, and unassisted by the dead subject on which he acted; in other words, whether the more we could bring into action of the energies of our boundless territory, in addition to the labor of our citizens, the more would not be our gain. But the inventions of the latter times by labor-saving machines, do as much now for the manufacturer as the earth for the cultivator. Experience too, has proved that mine was but half the question; the other half is, whether dollars and cents are to be weighed in the scale against real independence. The question is then solved, at least so far as respects our own wants. I much fear the effect on our infant establishment of the policy avowed by Mr. Brougham, and quoted in the pamphlet. Individual British merchants may lose by the late immense importations, but British commerce and manufactories in the mass will gain by beating down the competition of ours in our own markets, etc.' "The conversation turning on American history, Mr. Jefferson related an anecdote of the Abbé Raynal, which serves to show how history, even when it calls itself philosophical, is written. The Abbé was in company with Dr. Franklin, and several Americans at Paris, when mention chanced to be made of his anecdote of Polly Baker, related in his sixth volume, upon which one of the company observed that no such law as that alluded to in the story existed in New England: the Abbé stoutly maintained the authenticity of his tale, when Dr. Franklin, who had hitherto remained silent, said, 'I can account for all this; you took the anecdote from a newspaper, of which I was at that time editor, and happening to be very short of news, I composed and inserted the whole story.' 'Ah! Doctor,' said the Abbé, making a true French retreat, 'I had rather have your stories, than other men's truths.' "Mr. Jefferson preferred Botta's Italian History of the American Revolution to any that had yet appeared, remarking, however, the inaccuracy of the speeches.— Indeed, the true history of that period seems to be generally considered as lost. A remarkable letter on this point lately appeared in print, from the venerable Mr. John Adams, to a Mr. Niles, who had solicited his aid to collect and publish a body of revolutionary speeches. He says, 'of all the speeches made in Congress from 1774 to 1777, inclusive of both years, not one sentence remains, except a few periods of Dr. Witherspoon, printed in his works.' His concluding sentence is very strong. 'In plain English, and in a few words, Mr. Niles, I consider the true history of the American Revolution, and the establishment of our present constitutions, as lost forever; and nothing but misrepresentations, or partial accounts of it, will, ever be recovered.' "I slept a night at Monticello, and left it in the morning, with such a feeling as the traveller quits the mouldering remains of a Grecian temple, or the pilgrim a fountain in the desert. It would indeed argue a great torpor, both of understanding and heart, to have looked without veneration and interest on the man who drew up the Declaration of American Independence, who shared in the councils by which her freedom was established; whom the unbought voice of his fellow-citizens called to the exercise of a dignity, from which his own moderation impelled him, when such an example was most salutary, to withdraw; and who, while he dedicates the evening of his glorious days to the pursuits of science and literature, shuns none of the humbler duties of private life; but, having filled a seat higher than that of kings, succeeds with graceful dignity to that of the good neighbor, and becomes the friendly adviser, lawyer, physician, and even gardener of his vicinity. This is the still small voice of philosophy, deeper and holier than the lightnings and earth quakes which have preceded it. What monarch would venture thus to exhibit himself in the nakedness of his humanity? On what royal brow would the laurel replace the diadem? But they who are born and educated to be kings, are not expected to be philosophers. This is a just answer, though no great compliment, either to the governors or the governed."-Chap. xxxv., 374 to 385. Lieutenant Hall, it appears from his Work, came near finding a "watery grave" in fording the Rivanna, on his return. His horse and wagon were swept down the stream, but he and his servant escaped, and his equipage was finally saved by the efforts of Mr. Jefferson's domestics. Our traveller then arrived at Richmond without further adventures. He often quotes Mr. Jefferson's opinions, evidently profoundly impressed with the greatness and benignity of his character. Mr. Jefferson's first published letter in 1817, was addressed to Mrs. Adams. To MRS. ADAMS. MONTICELLO, Jan. 11, 1817. But what is infinitely interesting, What lessons of wisMore than fall to the I owe you, dear Madam, a thousand thanks for the letters communicated in your favor of December 15th, and now returned. They give me more information than I possessed before, of the family of Mr. Tracy.' is the scene of the exchange of Louis XVIII. for Bonaparte. dom Mr. Adams must have read in that short space of time! lot of others in the course of a long life. Man, and the man of Paris, under those circumstances, must have been a subject of profound speculation! It would be a singular addition to that spectacle, to see the same beast in the cage of St. Helena, like a lion in the tower. That is probably the closing verse of the chapter of his crimes. But not so with Louis. He has other vicissitudes to go through. I communicated the letters, according to your permission, to my grand-daughter, Ellen Randolph, who read them with pleasure and edification. She is justly sensible of, and flattered by your kind notice of her; and additionally so, by the favorable recollections of our northern visiting friends. If Monticello has anything which has merited their remembrance, it gives it a value the more in our estimation; and could I, in the spirit of your wish, count backwards a score of years, it would not be long before Ellen and myself would pay our homage personally to Quincy. But those twenty years! Alas! where are they? With those beyond the flood. Our next meeting must then be in the country to which they have flown-a country for us not now very distant. For this journey we shall need neither gold nor silver in our purse, nor scrip, nor coats, nor staves. Nor is the provision for it more easy than the preparation has been kind. Nothing proves more than this, that the Being who presides over the world is essentially benevolent. Stealing from us, one by one the faculties of enjoyment, searing our sensibilities, leading us, like the horse in his mill, round and round the same beaten circle, -To see what we have seen, To taste the tasted, and at each return The Count de Tracy. Now Mrs. Joseph Coolidge, of Boston. until satiated and fatigued with this leaden iteration, we ask our own congé. I heard once a very old friend, who had troubled himself with neither poets, nor philosophers, say the same thing in plain prose, that he was tired of pulling off his shoes and stockings at night, and putting them on again in the morning. The wish to stay here is thus gradually extinguished; but not so easily that of returning once in awhile, to see how things have gone on. Perhaps, however, one of the elements of future felicity is to be a constant and unimpassioned view of what is passing here. If so, this may well supply the wish of occasional visits. Mercier has given us a vision of the year 2,440; but prophecy is one thing, and history another. On the whole, however, perhaps it is wise and well to be contented with the good things which the master of the feast places before us, and to be thankful for what we have, rather than thoughtful about what we have not. You and I, dear Madam, have already had more than an ordinary portion of life, and more, too, of health than the general measure. On this score I owe boundless thankfulness. Your health was, some time ago, not so good as it has been; and I perceive in the letters communicated, some complaints still. I hope it is restored; and that life and health may be continued to you as many years as yourself shall wish, is the sincere prayer of your affectionate and respectful friend. He wrote Mr. Adams the same day, and closed his letter thus: "One of our fan-coloring biographers, who paints small men as very great, inquired of me lately, with real affection too, whether he might consider as authentic, the change in my religion much spoken of in some circles. Now this supposed that they knew what had been my religion before, taking for it the word of their priests, whom I certainly never made the confidants of my creed. My answer was-say nothing of my religion. It is known to my God and myself alone. Its evidence before the world is to be sought in my life; if that has been honest and dutiful to society, the religion which has regulated it cannot be a bad one.'-Affectionately adieu." The subject of religion occupies considerable space in the correspondence of Jefferson and Adams. The latter was evidently extremely fond of speculating on this topic, and of drawing out his friend. He who reads their letters, and then suffers his memory to revert to the vehement appeals made to the American people in 1800 to vote for Adams and against Jefferson, on the ground of a difference in their religious beliefs, will obtain an instructive commentary on the propriety of political partisans assuming to sit in judgment on the hearts and private religious opinions of candidates for office. Mr. Monroe succeeded Mr. Madison in the Presidency, in 1817. It was an event in which Mr. Jefferson experienced great satisfaction, as he had perfect confidence in Monroe personally, and he believed an "Administration in republican forms and principles" for twenty-four consecutive years, "would so conse . crate them in the eyes of the people as to secure them against the danger of a change." The President appointed John Quincy Adams Secretary of State, and Jefferson thus wrote to the senior Adams on that subject: "I congratulate Mrs. Adams and yourself on the return of your excellent and distinguished son, and our country still more, on such a minister of their foreign affairs; and I renew to both the assurance of my high and friendly respect and esteem." Mr. John Q. Adams wrote to Mr. Jefferson, October 4th, propounding several inquiries. These were answered November 1st, and the letter closed thus: "I have barely left myself room to express my satisfaction at your call to the important office you hold, and to tender you the assurance of my great esteem and respect." Jefferson's feelings towards the younger Adams were purely amicable, as this letter implies. He had a high opinion of his integrity and ability-particularly of his ability as a writer. He always, however, to some extent distrusted his temper and judgment. He said, in 1816 or 1817, to one from whose lips we have it: "Monroe showed his usual good sense in appointing Adams. They were made for each other. Adams has a pointed pen: Monroe has sound judgment enough for both, and firmness enough to have his judgment control." He said to another gentleman, also our personal informant: "Monroe always saw his point, but could not always express very well how he got there. Give Adams a conclusion, and he could always assign the best reasons for it." Mr. Jefferson took an active part in measures set on foot in 1817, to establish the "Central College" of Virginia, which afterwards ripened into the University. Two of the “Visitors,” besides himself, were ex-President Madison, and President Monroe. They met to deliberate on the subject, in the opening of May, at Monticello. We have the customary range of correspondence during the year. To Dr. Humphreys he expressed his warm approbation of colonizing the American negroes in Africa. To Mr. Adams, he declared that Botta had given the History of the American Revolution" with more detail, precision, and candor, than any writer he had yet met with," but he wholly objected to "putting speeches into mouths that never made them, and fancying motives of action which we [the actors] never felt." He wrote Dr. Stuart that he hoped "the policy of our country would settle down with as much navigation and commerce only as our own exchanges would require." To the same he said: "You say I must go to writing history. While in public life I had not time, and now that I am retired, I am past the time. To write history requires a whole life of observation, of inquiry, of labor and correction. Its materials are not to be found among the ruins of a decayed memory. At this day I should begin where I ought to have left off." ners. He repeated his early views on expatriation to Dr. ManHe said it was a right which "we do not claim under the charters of kings or legislators, but under the King of kings." He wrote to Humboldt in respect to the "gigantic undertaking" in New York, " for drawing the waters of Lake Erie into the Hudson," saying the expense would be great, but the beneficial effects incalculable.' He predicted to De Marbois, that the United States would proceed successfully for ages; and that "contrary to the principle of Montesquieu, it would be seen that the larger the extent of country the more firm its Republican structure, if founded not on conquest, but in principles of compact and equality." In a letter to Gallatin (June 16th), he applauded the "proof of the innate good sense, the vigilance and the determination of the people to act for themselves," evinced by their spontaneously dropping or defeating the members of Congress who voted for the Compensation Law, when "the newspapers were almost entirely silent" on the subject, and the leaders the other way." He highly approved, in this same letter, of the President's veto of the Internal Improvement bill, which he considered an unconstitutional enactment; but he thought that the States would be ready to amend the Constitution so as to confer the power of making 1 Joshua Forman, of New York, one of the .ominent originators of its great canal, visited Washington in 1809, to converse with President Jefferson on that subject, and to attempt to obtain the cooperation of the General Government. He represented Mr. Jeffer son as saying, that "it was a very fine project, and might be executed a century hence," etc., but not now. In a letter to Governor Clinton in 1822, Mr. Jefferson seemed to put a different version on his views-namely, that he thought "New York had anticipated by a full century, the ordinary progress of improvement."-See North American Review, No. 65, p. 507. 2 The Fourteenth Congress,, at its first session, passed an act (March 19, 1816), abolishing the per diem allowance of members of Congress, and prescribing that they should receive an annual salary of $1,500. At their next session the act was repealed (Feb. 6th, 1817), "after the close of the present Session of Congress." Mr. Jefferson said: "the unpopularity of the Compensation Law was completed, by the manner of repealing it as to all the world except themselves." |