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Europe is attended with so much risk. You know my collection, its condition and extent. I have been fifty years making it, and have spared no pains, opportunity or expense, to make it what it is. While residing in Paris, I devoted every afternoon I was disengaged, for a summer or two, in examining all the principal bookstores, turning over every book with my own hand, and putting by everything which related to America, and indeed whatever was rare and valuable in every science. Besides this, I had standing orders during the whole time I was in Europe, on its principal book-marts, particularly Amsterdam, Frankfort, Madrid and London, for such works relating to America as could not be found in Paris. So that, in that department particularly, such a collection was made as probably can never again be effected, because it is hardly probable that the same opportunities, the same time, industry, perseverance and expense, with some knowledge of the bibliography of the subject, would again happen to be in concurrence. During the same period, and after my return to America, I was led to procure, also, whatever related to the duties of those in the high concerns of the nation. So that the collection, which I suppose is of between nine and ten thousand volumes, while it includes what is chiefly valuable in science and literature generally, extends more particularly to whatever belongs to the American statesman. In the diplomatic and parliamentary branches, it is particularly full. It is long since I have been sensible it ought not to continue private property, and had provided that at my death, Congress should have the refusal of it at their own price. But the loss they have now incurred, makes the present the proper moment for their accommodation, without regard to the small remnant of time and the barren use of my enjoying it. I ask of your friendship, therefore, to make for me the tender of it to the library committee of Congress, not knowing myself of whom the committee consists. I inclose you the catalogue, which will enable them to judge of its contents. Nearly the whole are well bound, abundance of them elegantly, and of the choicest editions existing. They may be valued by persons named by themselves, and the payment made convenient to the public. It may be, for instance, in such annual installments as the law of Congress has left at their disposal, or in stock of any of their late loans, or of any loan they may institute at this session, so as to spare the present calls of our country and await its days of peace and prosperity. They may enter, nevertheless, into immediate use of it, as eighteen or twenty wagons would place it in Washington in a single trip of a fortnight.

He stated, that he would like to retain a few books "chiefly classical and mathematical," and one of his five Encyclopædias, until his death, and then have them go to Congress and be paid for-it being his object to place the library entire in their hands, or preserve it so at home.

He had, in a letter to Dr. Cooper, written before the destruction of the library of Congress, stated his own to be "the best chosen collection of its size probably in America, and containing a great mass of what was most rare and valuable, and especially of what related to America."

On the 7th of October, the Joint Library Committee of Congress, reported (by Mr. Goldsborough) as follows:

"That they have received from Mr. Samuel H. Smith an offer from Mr. Jefferson, late President of the United States, of the whole of his library for Congress, on such terms as they consider highly advantageous to the nation, and worthy the distinguished gentleman who tenders it. But the means placed at the disposal of the Committee being very limited, and totally inadequate to the purchase of such a library as that now offered, the committee must have recourse to Congress either to extend their powers, or adopt such other as they may think most proper,

"Should it be the sense of Congress to confide this matter to the Committee, they respectfully submit the following resolution:

"Resolved-By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that the Joint Library Committee of the two Houses of Congress be, and they are hereby authorized and empowered to contract, on their part, for the purchase of the library of Mr. Jefferson, late President of the United States, for the use of both Houses of Congress."

When the Senate next met, October 10th, Mr. Jefferson's letter to Smith was communicated, and the above resolution read a third time and unanimously passed. On its being taken up in the House, T. J. Oakley, of New York, moved an amendment, which would change the specific authority of the Committee to purchase Mr. Jefferson's library into a general one to purchase a library. This was negatived, by a vote of fifty-three yeas to eighty-seven nays.

Mr. Cyrus King, of Massachusetts, moved an amendment, limiting the Committee to the purchase of such parts of the library as they should deem suitable for the purpose. Several speakers contended that the extent and cost of the purchase was too large that the selection embraced too many works in foreign languages—that some were too "philosophical" in their character, and others objectionable on other grounds. Voltaire's writings, and Callender's "Prospect Before Us," were specially named among the objectionable productions. King's amendment failed -yeas forty-seven, nays ninety-one. Mr. J. Reed, of Massachusetts, moved to limit the price to be paid to $25,000. This failed, yeas thirty-seven, nays one hundred and three. Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, moved an amendment, providing for a selection of the books, and it failed, yeas fifty-two, nays ninety-six. Finally, Oakley moved an amendment, which was generally accepted, requiring the sanction of Congress before the purchase should be completed.

The Senate proceeded to consider the amended resolution, October 20th. Mr. Mason, of New Hampshire, moved that its further consideration be postponed to the first Monday in April.

The vote stood yeas seven, nays twenty-one. The resolution then passed without a division.

A bill, providing that the sum of $23,950 be paid to Mr. Jefferson for his library (in Treasury notes of the issue ordered by the law of March 4th, 1814), passed the Senate December 3d, without a division. This bill came up in the House for its final reading on the 26th of January, 1815. A motion to postpone indefinitely failed-yeas sixty-nine, nays seventy-three. Mr. Cyrus King, of Massachusetts, moved to recommit the bill, with instructions to the committee to report a new section authorizing the selection of such of the books as might be "necessary or useful to Congress in their deliberations," and the disposal of the remainder at public sale. This proposition received fifty-six affirmative votes. Mr. King subsequently moved to recommit the bill, with instructions to report a section "authorizing the Library Committee, as soon as said library should be received at Washington, to select therefrom all books of an atheistical, irreligious and immoral tendency, if any such there were, and send the same back to Mr. Jefferson, without any expense to him." Mr. King afterwards thought proper to withdraw this motion. On the final passage of the bill, the vote stood, yeas eighty-one, nays, seventy-one. Among those who voted in the negative were a number of political and personal friends of Mr. Jefferson, who, while they scorned the grounds of objection avowed by some of their Federal associates, believed that the existing situation of the finances of the country rendered it inexpedient to devote so large a sum to the purchase of a Congressional library.

It has been seen that the valuation of the books was referred by Mr. Jefferson to such persons as Congress should designate. The joint Library Committee made all the arrangements on the part of that body, but it is due to them to say that the placing of the price below a sum at which more than three to one of Congress, including nearly half of the Federal members, had refused to limit it, is understood to have been in pursuance of the wishes and suggestions of Mr. Jefferson. The price did not probably much exceed half the original cost of the books, and they had been purchased under the most favorable circumstances. They were generally uninjured, and the margins of many of them were covered with valuable citations, and annotations, in Mr. Jefferson's own hand.

The Hartford Convention met near the close of 1814-a sort of comet in our political sky, appearing differently to different spectators, but to most clad with dire menaces of present, or dire portents of future disaster. We cannot carry out our preceding sketches of political history in any proportion, nor understand clearly a mooted point in Mr. Jefferson's political views and assertions, without some account of the meeting of this body and of its results.

The proceedings of the Massachusetts Legislature in 1814 were, on various occasions, highly factious and disorganizing; and the elections which took place in that State retained the leaders of faction in power, with scarcely diminished majorities. It was evident that the latter were determined to compel the National Government to submit to the dictation of the New England Federalists-in some important particulars, or to establish a separate Eastern Confederacy. These designs were substantially avowed on legislative floors, by the press, and from the pulpit. Some of the measures alluded to will be described in another place.' Prospects of peace with Great Britain, caused a delay in ultimate steps; but when the insolent terms demanded by that power of the American Commissioners sent to treat for peace, roused anew the war spirit of the Middle and Southern States, and rendered it probable that the struggle would be continued to a decisive result, the Massachusetts malcontents adopted a bolder line of action.

On the 8th of October, a joint committee of the Legislature reported, by their chairman, Harrison Gray Otis, that the United States Constitution had failed in securing the objects of its establishment that the provisions that it contained for amendment were inadequate to the existing emergency-that the people were consequently authorized to resort to such means to secure that result as their safety demanded-that " no reason precluded the right to obviate those dissensions which unfitted our government for peace or war"-and consequently, that a Convention of the States concurring in these views was expedient. It was also recommended to raise and officer a state army of ten thousand men, and provide a million of dollars for its support. The report was adopted by a vote of three to one, and

'See APPENDIX, No. 28.

George Cabot, Harrison Gray Otis, Nathan Dane, Joseph Lyman, and eight other less conspicuous individuals were appointed delegates to the Hartford Convention.'

Equally violent proceedings took place in the Connecticut Legislature. That body denounced the proposed system of filling the regular army by compulsory drafts from the militia, as unconstitutional and oppressive, and, by a very strong vote, it authorized the Governor, in case such a law should pass Congress, to call a special session of the Legislature to provide for the protection of the people. It denounced the war as criminal in its object, and as, under the circumstances, a violation of the political compact between Government and the people. It appointed Goodrich, Hillhouse, and five other persons delegates to the Hartford Convention.

The Rhode Island Assembly, by a vote of nearly two to one, adopted a report in the same general tone, and appointed four delegates.

The statement should not be omitted, that in a part, if not in all of these States, some portion of the legislative declarations having reference to the Convention contained words or phrases which, separately taken, conveyed the idea that nothing was contemplated repugnant to the obligations of those States as members of the Union. This probably served as an excuse for such hesitating persons as could persuade themselves that an isolated and ambiguous declaration of this kind meant more than the context-more than the general tenor and spirit of the entire legislative proceedings of the period-more than the open avowals of the chief actors-more than the exhortations of the press and the pulpit in favor of revolution or disunion."

A protest was drawn up by Levi Lincoln (son of that Levi Lincoln who had been a member of Mr. Jefferson's Cabinet), and signed by seventy-six members of the House. Thirteen members of the Senate also made a protest, headed by the celebrated John Holmes, who had himself been a Federalist until that party engaged in its present schemes, and who thenceforth denounced it in a series of speeches, which for directness and pith, are almost unrivalled in the annals of partisan contests.

The Boston Gazette asked, "Is there a patriot in America who conceives it his duty to shed his blood for Bonaparte, for Madison, for Jefferson, and that host of ruffians in Congress, who have set their face against us for years, and spirited up the brutal part of the populace to destroy us? Not one. Shall we then be any longer held in slavery, and driven to desperate poverty by such a graceless faction? Heaven forbid !"

Another Boston Journal said:

"To the cry of disunion, the plain and obvious answer is that the States are already separated the bond of union is broken by President Madison. As we are now going on, we shall certainly be brought to irretrievable ruin. The Convention cannot do a more popular act, not only in New England, but throughout the Atlantic States, than to make a peace for the good of the whole. The Convention must report to their constituents on the subject of peace and war. If they find that it is to continue, it is to be

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