Among the early letters of this year we find interesting ones on various topics to Dr. Rush, De Tracy, Humboldt, Paganel, Dupont de Nemours, Kosciusko, etc. To the latter he thus spoke of the Spanish-American revolution:

"Spanish America is all in revolt. The insurgents are triumphant in many of the States, and will be so in all. But then the danger is that the cruel arts of their oppressors have enchained their minds, have kept them in the ignorance of children and as incapable of self-government as children. If the obstacles of bigotry and priestcraft can be surmounted, we may hope that common sense will suffice to do everything else. God send them a safe deliverance."

His hopes and fears on the same subject are more fully expressed in other letters of the period. His wishes for peace, and indignation at the conduct of the European belligerents, find their customary expressions. Some advice (July 22d) to Barlow who was about departing as American minister to France, in respect to the proper deportment to be observed towards Napoleon, is worth perusal :

"He has understanding enough, but it is confined to particular lines. Of the principles and advantages of commerce he appears to be ignorant, and his domineering temper deafens him moreover to the dictates of interest, of honor, and of morality, A nation like ours, recognizing no arrogance of language or conduct, can never enjoy the favor of such a character. The impression, too, which our public has been made to receive from the different styles of correspondence used by two of our foreign agents, has increased the difficulties of steering between the bristling pride of the two parties. It seems to point out the Quaker style of plain reason, void of offence: the suppression of all passion, and chaste language of good Heaven prosper your endeavors for our good, and preserve you in health and happiness."

sense.

When it was understood that Foster, the British minister who had succeeded Jackson, had formally declared to our Government that the orders in council would be persisted in, Mr. Jefferson at once arrived at the conclusion that war was our only alternative. He wrote to a gentleman in England, September 16th, 1811:

"We have hitherto been able to avoid professed war, and to continue to our industry a more salutary direction. But the determination to take all our vessels bound to any other than her ports, amounting to all the war she can make (for we fear no invasion), it would be folly in us to let that war be all on one side only, and to make no effort towards indemnification and retaliation by reprisal. That a contest thus forced on us by a nation a thousand leagues from us both, should place

A Russian Ambassador [Count Pahlen] reached the United States in the summer of 1810, and one of his first steps was to convey to Mr. Jefferson by the orders of the Emperor Alexander assurances of that monarch's continued friendly regard. The reply did not fail to urge the customary views in relation to the union of maritime policies between Russia and the United States.

We find Mr. Jefferson proposing to William Duane (August 12th) to publish Baxter's abridgment and continuation of Hume's history of England-although he admitted that the work lacked equally in style and profundity. The avowed object was to supplant a book which had "undermined the free principles of the English government," and the style of which had rendered it "the manual of every student." He also proposed the publication of De Tracy's Commentary on Montesquieu, the mantiscript of which had been confided to him by the author for that purpose, should he consider it advisable. Duane translated and published it, the proof-sheets being seen by Mr. Jefferson. Duane proposed a revision of the Notes on Virginia, and Jefferson replied that "he did contemplate some day the making additions and corrections to them; but he was inclined to take the benefit of his whole life to make collections and observations, and let the editing them be posthumous." He never found time, if he did inclination, to make the effort; and on the whole, it perhaps may be considered fortunate.'

We shall close these brief extracts from his correspondence

the bank were as irredeemable, at the time, as our own old continental currency: the debts of England were rolling up with frightful velocity; and reasoning from all the analogies the world had ever presented, nearly all foreigners throughout Christendom looked daily for a giving way of commercial confidence, and some tremendous consequent convulsion. That this did not occur, is not only a better proof of England's enormous resources than even her iron struggle with Napoleon, but perhaps the best proof her history contains of the inflexible, all-defying and all-sacrificing national spirit of her people.

On some of the topics treated in the original work, especially the political ones, his later views would have been valuable. But the attempt to carry them all out on a scale befitting his reputation elsewhere, would have involved a vast range of inquiry-and the preparation of almost an encyclopædia of the sciences. Was he prepared for this? The original when written was a wonderful compilation in some departments. It also had strong original features to commend it was a most felicitous application of the philosophy of science to the business and interests of society. But while Mr. Jefferson had been "governing men and guiding States," the chariot wheels of science had not tarried. Men just as able as himself to press forward its investigations, had separately taken up its branches, and unfolded vast new reaches of fact and theory. Could an old man, sixty-seven years old, though perfectly at his leisure, go back and overtake them-and then add something worthy of the time and pen of an eminent statesman? There can be but one rational answer to this question. There can be no doubt the first deliberate reflection Mr. Jefferson gave to the subject, suggested the inevitable conclusion.

in 1810, with the following from a letter to David Howel, December 15th:

"I read one or two newspapers a week, but with reluctance give even that time from Tacitus and Horace, and so much other more agreeable reading; indeed, I give more time to exercise of the body than of the mind, believing it wholesome to both. I enjoy, in recollection, my ancient friendships, and suffer no new circumstances to mix alloy with them. I do not take the trouble of forming opinions on what is passing among them, because I have such entire confidence in their integrity and wisdom as to be satisfied all is going right, and that every one is doing his best in the station confided to him. Under these impressions, accept sincere assurances of my continued esteem and respect for yourself personally, and my best wishes for your health and happiness."

But a limited space will be devoted to the correspondence of 1811. It has the usual literary and political variety, but perhaps contains few essentially new views, or statements which connect the writer in an interesting light with important passing events.

In a letter to Mr. Eppes, not heretofore published, Mr. Jefferson thus referred to the boundary of Louisiana, and certain documents pertaining to that question:

TO JOHN W. EPPES.

DEAR SIR:

MONTICELLO, Jan. 5, 1811.

Your two letters of Dec. 14th reached this place just after I had left it for Bedford. This has occasioned the delay of the answer. I now inclose you the paper you requested on the boundaries of Louisiana. It is a bad polygraph copy; however, it is legible. There is nothing secret in the paper, and therefore it may be freely used as you please, except that I would not have it printed, but with the advice of the President. With his sanction, if it be thought material to satisfy the public opinion on the solidity of a right, the assertion of which may lead to war, it may be printed. But the paper I send you wants a very material appendix. This was a chronological table of all the facts relating to the discovery and history of Louisiana which I compiled from all the authors I possess or could obtain who have written on Louisiana, with a reference to the authority of every fact. This is not now among my papers, and I have no conception what has become of it, unless it remains in the office of State. I sent both papers to that office, and perhaps only the original of the principal paper may have been returned to me. I write by this post to Mr. Graham, to examine, and if he has not the original of the chronological table, to lend me his copy, from which I will send you one. With respect

to the boundaries, they are as well ascertained as those of any unsettled country whatever, as well as the boundaries of several of these States, about which disputes still exist, and as the boundaries of many of the unsettled northern countries of Europe.1

Mr. Jefferson considered the main branch of the Rio Bravo the western boundary of Louisiana, as far as that river extended. See his letter to Mellish, December 31, 1816

I proposed to Francis, as you desired, his staying here. He asked me if I had written to you to ask permission for his stay. I told him I had, and that you left it to himself. He said at once he would stay. I have put him into his Latin grammar, rather to learn him to exercise his memory in getting by heart, than from an expectation that he may otherwise profit from it as yet. I observe he gets very readily and perfectly. I inclose you a letter from him. Accept assurances of my constant affection.

TH. JEFFERSON.

He expressed the following opinions in regard to the colonization of American people of color in Africa, and in regard to the duties of our Government in the premises:

To MR. JOHN LYNCH.

MONTICELLO, January 21, 1811.

SIR:

You have asked my opinion on the proposition of Mrs. Mifflin, to take measures for procuring, on the coast of Africa, an establishment to which the people of color of these States might, from time to time, be colonized under the auspices of different governments. Having long ago made up my mind on this subject, I have no hesitation in saying that I have ever thought it the most desirable measure which could be adopted for gradually drawing off this part of our population, most advantageously for themselves as well as for us. Going from a country possessing all the useful arts, they might be the means of transplanting them among the inhabitants of Africa, and would thus carry back to the country of their origin, the seeds of civilization which might render their sojournment and sufferings here a blessing in the end to that country."

After mentioning his own correspondence when President, with other governments, undertaken at the instance of the Virginia Executive, to procure an "asylum to which these people might be occasionally sent," and after giving some particulars of the Sierra Leone establishment, he added:

"You inquire further, whether I would use my endeavors to procure for such an establishment security against violence from other powers, and particularly from France? Certainly, I shall be willing to do anything I can to give it effect and safety. But I am but a private individual, and could only use endeavors with private individuals; whereas, the National Government can address themselves at once to those of Europe to obtain the desired security, and will unquestionably be ready to exert its influence with those nations for an object so benevolent in itself and so important to a great portion of its constituents. Indeed, nothing is more to be wished than that the United States would themselves undertake to make such an establishment on the coast of Africa. Exclusive of motives of humanity, the commercial advantages to be derived from it might repay all its expenses. But for this, the national mind is not yet prepared. It may perhaps be doubted whether many of these people would voluntarily consent to such an exchange of situation, and very certain that few of those advanced to a certain age in habits of slavery, would be

capable of self-government. This should not, however, discourage the experiment, nor the early trial of it; and the proposition should be made with all the prudent cautions and attentions requisite to reconcile it to the interests, the safety, and the prejudices of all parties."

The misunderstandings in Mr. Madison's Cabinet, already adverted to, had continued to increase, and they found incitements in the differing opinions of its members in regard to the proper policy to be pursued towards England and France. Gallatin's and Smith's opposition to each other's views became more personal and extreme, and the President was accused by the friends of the latter, of leaning too strongly towards the Secretary of the Treasury. It is certain that the President had very great confidence in the ability and experience of Gallatin. He had originally intended to make him Secretary of State, but had been compelled to forego his purpose reluctantly, and at the last moment, owing to the anticipated opposition of a party in the Senate, who were friends of the individual designated to that office.'

1 We are enabled to state the following facts from an unquestionable source. The President made up his mind to offer the State department to Gallatin. The latter was consulted, and was highly gratified at the proposal, because it would afford him a relief from the long drudgery he had undergone in the Treasury department, and because having personally favored George Clinton's nomination to the Presidency rather than Mr. Madison's, it came as an acceptable token of unbroken regard from the latter. But as a warm opposition was anticipated, it was considered best to keep the matter a secret until the nomination was sent to the Senate. Giles was very hostile to Gallatin; and both Robert Smith and his brother General Samuel Smith (then in the Senate) were opposed to his transfer to the State department; the main objection of the latter being (we are informed by one of his family) that it was unbecoming that a foreign born citizen should be selected to conduct our correspondences with foreign nations.

The contemplated appointment of Gallatin to the State department began to be suspected because no other individual was mentioned for the place; and it became fully disclosed by a ruse on the part of a lady. She cordially congratulated Mrs. Gallatin on her husband's promotion, and the latter, taken by surprise, admitted that it was an agreeable lightening of his official labors, etc. It was not long before Giles, with his customary rapidity of action, placed seventeen written objections to Gallatin's appointment in the President's hands, requesting that they might also be communicated to Gallatin. The President very quietly suggested that if they were intended for Gallatin, Giles had better himself deliver them! There was an immediate mustering of heads among the hostile senators. Gallatin became alarmed, and asked the President to leave him in his present situation. But Madison's passive determination of character now shone forth, and he peremptorily refused. He said, if the Senate intended to dictate his nominations, or otherwise reject unexceptionable men, there would never be a better time than then for him to find out whether he was President or not; and the American people must decide whether he had done wrong in making, or the Senate in rejecting, the nomination. Finally, Gallatin frankly admitted, that, after his long services, he could not endure the idea of a rejection. "That," said Mr. Madison, "put a different face on the matter; though he greatly regretted that Mr. Gallatin had not thought of this earlier, and before he [the President] had completed all his arrangements." (It is not probable that we use the exact words of Mr. Madison, but we have felt authorized to place them in quotation marks, as we received them substantially as his from one who often heard the matter talked of by him.) Gallatin was permitted to remain in the Treasury department, and in recasting the Cabinet, Robert Smith was designated to the State department.

We are not aware of any facts that go to show that the opposition of Smith's friends