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ja wa od tran that the United Fares wrùi tensetes uz krake to make such an A vine mets, in the one of Ainea. Erinsite of metre timin, the comto prom advantagea to se derived from it might repay all its erpesses Bt for this, by a national mind is not yet prepared. It may perhaps be Joshted whether many of people would voluntary consent to such an exchange of situation, and very remban that few of those advanced to a certain are in habits of slavery, would be

capable of self-government. This should not, however, discourage the experiment, nor the early trial of it; and the proposition should be made with all the prudent cautions and attentions requisite to reconcile it to the interests, the safety, and the prejudices of all parties."

The misunderstandings in Mr. Madison's Cabinet, already adverted to, had continued to increase, and they found incitements in the differing opinions of its members in regard to the proper policy to be pursued towards England and France. Gallatin's and Smith's opposition to each other's views became more personal and extreme, and the President was accused by the friends of the latter, of leaning too strongly towards the Secretary of the Treasury. It is certain that the President had very great confidence in the ability and experience of Gallatin. He had originally intended to make him Secretary of State, but had been compelled to forego his purpose reluctantly, and at the last moment, owing to the anticipated opposition of a party in the Senate, who were friends of the individual designated to that office.'

1 We are enabled to state the following facts from an unquestionable source. The President made up his mind to offer the State department to Gallatin. The latter was consulted, and was highly gratified at the proposal, because it would afford him a relief from the long drudgery he had undergone in the Treasury department, and because having personally favored George Clinton's nomination to the Presidency rather than Mr. Madison's, it came as an acceptable token of unbroken regard from the latter. But as a warm opposition was anticipated, it was considered best to keep the matter a secret until the nomination was sent to the Senate. Giles was very hostile to Gallatin; and both Robert Smith and his brother General Samuel Smith (then in the Senate) were opposed to his transfer to the State department; the main objection of the latter being (we are informed by one of his family) that it was unbecoming that a foreign born citizen should be selected to conduct our correspondences with foreign nations.

The contemplated appointment of Gallatin to the State department began to be suspected because no other individual was mentioned for the place; and it became fully disclosed by a ruse on the part of a lady. She cordially congratulated Mrs. Gallatin on her husband's promotion, and the latter, taken by surprise, admitted that it was an agreeable lightening of his official labors, etc. It was not long before Giles, with his customary rapidity of action, placed seventeen written objections to Gallatin's appointment in the President's hands, requesting that they might also be communicated to Gallatin. The President very quietly suggested that if they were intended for Gallatin, Giles had better himself deliver them! There was an immediate mustering of heads among the hostile senators. Gallatin became alarmed, and asked the President to leave him in his present situation. But Madison's passive determination of character now shone forth, and he peremptorily refused. He said, if the Senate intended to dictate his nominations, or otherwise reject unexceptionable men, there would never be a better time than then for him to find out whether he was President or not; and the American people must decide whether he had done wrong in making, or the Senate in rejecting, the nomination. Finally, Gallatin frankly admitted, that, after his long services, he could not endure the idea of a rejection. "That," said Mr. Madison, "put a different face on the matter; though he greatly regretted that Mr. Gallatin had not thought of this earlier, and before he [the President] had completed all his arrangements." (It is not probable that we use the exact words of Mr. Madison, but we have felt authorized to place them in quotation marks, as we received them substantially as his from one who often heard the matter talked of by him.) Gallatin was permitted to remain in the Treasury department, and in recasting the Cabinet, Robert Smith was designated to the State department. We are not aware of any facts that go to show that the opposition of Smith's friends

The differences in the Cabinet corresponded with those between two Republican wings or factions in the Senate, and finally the feud began to exhibit itself in the newspapers. Duane, of the Aurora, passed some public strictures on Gallatin. Thereupon Lieper (Jefferson's old friend, and correspondent in Philadelphia) and some other eminent Republicans withdrew necessary pecuniary accommodations which they had been in the habit of extending to Duane. The latter appealed to Jefferson for aid. The answer (March 28th, 1811) paid a noble tribute to Gallatin, and avowed the writer's continued confidence in him, but he informed the editor of the Aurora that his own services in the cause of Republicanism "constituted too strong a claim on the good wishes of every friend of elective government, to be effaced by a solitary case of difference of opinion." Mr. Jefferson promised to write to a friend at Richmond to organize a plan of extensive assistance, and he closed with an earnest exhortation to a firm support of the Administration, and against "schismatizing on either men or measures." He declared "principles alone could justify that."

Duane was not controlled by this advice. He continued his censures on the Secretary of the Treasury, and finally extended them to the President. When the Aurora containing these was received in Richmond, William Wirt, who had been charged with the execution of the plan for Duane's aid by Jefferson, immediately wrote to the latter that nothing further could be done in that direction. Jefferson apprised Duane of this, not concealing the opinion that his conduct had rendered such a result inevitable. This letter (dated April 30th) contains an avowal of the writer's opinions in respect to the duty of sacrificing individual views to party unity, which present an important feature in his political code. He said:

"I have thought it well that you should know exactly the feelings here, because if you get similar information from other respectable portions of the Union, it will naturally beget some suspicion in your own mind, that, finding such a mass of opinion variant from your own, you may be under erroneous impressions, meriting reëxamination and consideration. I think an editor should be independent, that is, of personal influence, and not be moved from his opinions on the mere authority of any individual. But with respect to the general opinion of the political section

to Gallatin was made with any reference to the appointment of the former. And at all events, no one acquainted with the character of the Smiths, will suspect either of them of dishonorable conduct or motives.

with which he habitually accords, his duty seems very like that of a member of Congress. Some of these indeed think that independence requires them to follow always their own opinion, without respect for that of others. This has never been my opinion, nor my practice, when I have been of that or any other body. Differing on a particular question from those whom I knew to be of the same political principles with myself, and with whom I generally thought and acted, a consciousness of the fallibility of the human mind, and of my own in particular, with a respect for the accumulated judgment of my friends, has induced me to suspect erroneous impressions in myself, to suppose my own opinion wrong, and to act with them on theirs. The want of this spirit of compromise, or of self-distrust, proudly, but falsely, called independence, is what gives the Federalists victories which they could never obtain, if these brethren could learn to respect the opinions of their friends more than of their enemies, and prevents many able and honest men from doing all the good they otherwise might do. I state these considerations, because they have often quieted my own conscience in voting and acting on the judgment of others against my own; and because they may suggest doubts to yourself in the present case. Our Executive and legislative authorities are the choice of the nation and possess the nation's confidence. They are chosen because they possess it, and the recent elections prove it has not been abated by the attacks which have for some time been kept up against them. If the measures which have been pursued are approved by the majority, it is the duty of the minority to acquiesce and conform. It is true indeed that dissentients have a right to go over to the minority, and to act with them. But I do not believe your mind has contemplated that course, that it has deliberately viewed the strange company into which it may be led, step by step, unintended and unperceived by itself. The example of John Randolph is a caution to all honest and prudent men, to sacrifice a little of selfconfidence, and to go with their friends, although they may sometimes think they are going wrong. After so long a course of steady adherence to the general sentiments of the Republicans, it would afflict me sincerely to see you separate from the body, become auxiliary to the enemies of our government, who have to you been the bitterest enemies, who are now chuckling at the prospect of division among us, and, as I am told, are subscribing for your paper. The best indications of error which my experience has tested, is the approbation of the Federalists. Their conclusions necessarily follow the false bias of their principles. I claim, however, no right of guiding the conduct of others; but have indulged myself in these observations from the sincere feelings of my heart. Retired from all political interferences, I have been induced into this one by a desire, first of being useful to you personally, and next of maintaining the Republican ascendency. Be its effect what it may, I am done with it, and shall look on as an inactive, though not an unfeeling, spectator of what is to ensue. As far as my good will may go, for I can no longer act, I shall adhere to my government, executive and legislative, and as long as they are Republican, I shall go with their measures, whether I think them right or wrong; because I know they are honest, and are wiser and better informed than I am. In doing this, however, I shall not give up the friendship of those who differ from me, and who have equal right with myself to shape their own course. disposition be assured of my continued esteem and respect."

In this

The criticism on Duane's course implied in these remarks,, wounded his feelings. Jefferson disavowed such an intention,

but adhered to his position. The temper of the celebrated editor of the Aurora was naturally vehement, and it had been rendered intolerant towards opponents by the bitter persecutions he had endured. But he was a sincere Republican, and he exhibited his native good sense on the present occasion by not only dropping all resentment, but by going much oftener than before for advice to the friend whose "wounds" had proved so "faithful."

A statement of the various complaints made at this period against Gallatin by the opposing branch of the Republicans will be found in a letter from Jefferson to Wirt, dated May 3d, 1811. The following passages from it further exhibit the writer's breadth of toleration in differences of opinion with honest and able members of his own party, and they also show that he found something to call for his toleration in the leaders of both wings:

"Mr. Gallatin's support of the bank has, I believe, been disapproved by many. He was not in Congress when that was established, and therefore had never committed himself, publicly, on the constitutionality of that institution, nor do I recollect ever to have heard him declare himself on it. I know he derived immense convenience from it, because they gave the effect of ubiquity to his money wherever deposited. Money in New Orleans or Maine was at his command, and by their agency transformed in an instant into money in London, in Paris, Amsterdam, or Canton. He was, therefore, cordial to the bank. I often pressed him to divide the public deposits among all the respectable banks, being indignant myself at the open hostility of that institution to a government on whose treasuries they were fattening. But his repugnance to it prevented my persisting. And if he was in favor of the bank, what is the amount of that crime or error in which he had a majority save one in each House of Congress as participators? yet on these facts, endeavors are made to drive from the Administration the ablest man except the President, who ever was in it, and to beat down the President himself, because he is unwilling to part with so able a counsellor."

Mr. Wirt was authorized to show the letter to Mr. Ritchie, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, who was a decided friend of the President, but was understood not to be as cordial to Gallatin. In fact, there is little doubt that this letter was written specially for the eye of an editor, who, for a union of ability and discretion with statesmanlike views, had never been equalled in his party, and who consequently wielded a most important influence. Mr. Jefferson often pronounced Thomas Ritchie "the first editor of the United States."