from the Presidency. Certainly no similar tactics were resorted to by any party for many subsequent years. Then, as heretofore remarked, it was Jefferson who was the founder of the obnoxious system, the apostle of the hated creed; and on such the rage of opponents, and particularly of conquered opponents, falls with tenfold more violence than on the lieutenant or successor, however closely he may follow in the footsteps of his predecessor.

But in truth, Madison owed much of his immunity to a kind of prudence which Jefferson never possessed. He so far concurred in all of the practical political views of the former, that it would be difficult, we apprehend, to point out an important difference. Nay, he had separated from the great first President, who had so loved and trusted him, to follow the standard of Jefferson. He sat eight years in the Cabinet of the latter without a recorded non-concurrence of views. But in expressing an opinion for the public ear, he carefully abstained from all but the pure logic of argument. He went not a word beyond the necessary point. He questioned no one's motives-he retaliated no hostile personal assault. He never suffered an extraneous sentiment calculated to provoke prejudice to creep into his writings, or even his conversation. Where such expressions became necessary, he guarded, so far as circumstances would allow, against their publicity, and he took especial pains to recall and destroy his private political correspondence.

Jefferson, on the other hand, was a perfectly fearless talker and writer. We find him making some efforts, in his earlier career, to prevent the publication of letters which might compromise him as the leader of a party, and always dreading to get into the newspapers; but an inspection of his entire correspondence will show, that no man was ever more gratuitously open on the most dangerous topics. It was next to impossible for him to suppress an abstract conclusion, growing out of or suggested by his topic, however much his keen knowledge of men might admonish him of the danger thus incurred. In his conversation he was still more communicative. His political lieutenants often stood aghast at his freedom.' And he added

1 General Smith's statement, that his friends often thought him too free in conversation, has already been seen, in a letter to R. H. and J. A. Bayard. Professor Tucker, who knew Mr. Jefferson personally, makes a similar statement. Dr. Dunglison, his family physician, will hereafter be found mentioning the same characteristic in these

greatly to the effect of his disclosures by the energy of his expressions. The thought that, uttered by another, would have attracted little notice, often hissed like a fiery missile, in his nervous and burning diction. And it also often happened that the pith of his comparison, or the epigrammatic point of his expression, kept the Congreve rocket flying, which otherwise would have speedily dropped to the ground. The effect of his startling abstractions has already been well illustrated in the case of conservative and excellent Charles Carroll. Mr. Jefferson, in the animation of writing and speaking, generally forgot to put in the limitations-the "ifs" and "buts," which not only take off the sharp edge of the thought, but leave such convenient holes for prudent men to creep out at!

But after all, it is these daring, eagle-pinioned men who alone win the goal of transcendent and overmastering popularity. People admire and trust, but rarely love those colder-blooded champions, who go to the feast as well as to the 'battle armed in full panoply, on whose bosoms the Gorgon shield repels sympathy as well as danger. Such never win the mystic pass-words to the human heart, which, like the cries of the brute creation to one another, at once excite the feeling that calls them forthwhich at once muster the squadrons of the air and the plain for battle, or scatter them in flight. The mighty leader of mankind must be something more than a sage; something more than a skillful executive tactician-he must be, at heart, a hero. He must be ready on great occasions, to spurn all middle prudences. He must be as ready to raise the song of martyrdom as the shout of victory. He must rejoice in danger, when danger must be met. His sword must flame as fiercely in the van of battle, and his foot be as eager to scale the rampart, or tread the fatal breach as the least considerable and the bravest under his cominand. He who would rely on men to the death, must show that he holds his life as cheap as theirs.

Far be it from us to intimate, that any little cunning, much less a shade of duplicity, marked the character of Madison. Nature had constituted him a different man, in some particulars, from his predecessor; and it was as appropriate and right

pages; and he personally related to us some amusing incidents which grew out it. We never have met an individual who knew Mr. Jefferson personally, who had not almost habitually noticed this peculiarity, and who did not speak of it as a matter of common notoriety and remark among Mr. Jefferson's associates.

that the one should follow out his own peculiarities as the other. Men may not only differ, without blame, in their modes of action, but each will play his part most efficiently who plays his natural one. If, when extraneous moot-questions came up, Madison relapsed into grave silence, it was like Washington; if he parried unnecessary curiosity by a neat turn, it was like Franklin. His caution was purely defensive. He never employed it to assail, or surprise, or take an advantage of an opponent. It was the result of temperament and not of cowardice. He was passionless, because reason and logic guided the steady movements of all his faculties.

It has been perhaps already remarked, that Jefferson and Madison were peculiarly calculated to be useful to each other. One prompted-the other restrained. One determined-the other followed up and supplied the chain of argument, or like the cable-trier, cautiously smote each link, to make sure that it had no flaw.

They also had that difference in personal peculiarities which seasons intercourse, and draws closer the bands of friendship.

Jefferson was six feet two and a half inches in height; Madison five feet and between six and six and a half inches.' Jef ferson's movements were unrestrained, swinging, and bold; Madison's though graceful, were precise. Calm authority sat in Jefferson's eye, and lurked in the firm intonations of his voice. In a stage coach, in a crowd, in any situation, he at once attracted notice-at once was recognized by high and low as a leader of men. The impression which his looks conveyed was that of great firmness and gentleness combined-of powerful energy in perfect repose. Madison, in public, appeared to a stranger like a polished and contemplative professional man or student, who was taking a look out on the busy world.

A characteristic of Mr. Jefferson's conversation has been given its boldness.. It did not, as he became advanced in life, often evince enthusiasm; he made no effort at sustained brilliancy; and he utterly lacked wit. His discourse abounded with information and thought, and was garnished with oldfashioned courtesy and compliment, as old architecture exhibits

We mention the last fact with this precision, not recollecting to have seen it elsewhere published, and having it on the personal authority of Mr. Madison's Private Secretary, Hon. Edward Coles.

rich and quaint carving. This was in the style of the pre-Revolutionary court of Virginia, or of that of Louis XVI., partly rubbed off by later associations.' His conversation, however, was always pleasing to the listeners, and occasionally, with the young, deepened into that earlier strain, when his thoughts spontaneously arranged themselves into the striking and stately diction of his early writings. It then fell with indescribable force on the ears of his hearers.

Mr. Madison too had the old-school elegance, and superabounded with information. His discourse, without being didactic and frigid, was weighty. He, perhaps, was never impassioned; and was rather taciturn in public. But among private friends he was a delightful and humorous talker; and in very small and very confidential circles, blazed out into unrestrained facetiousness, and occasional brilliant flashes of wit. He told a story admirably; and had a long list of pet anecdotes against Jefferson, at which their victim always laughed until his eyes ran over. Many of these have been repeated to us by those who "were there to see." We wish we could give specimens; but the aroma would all exhale in the recital. Some, perhaps most of them, indeed, require the living narrator, as their humor depends more upon the manner than the matter. Mr. Madison's fund of geniality and liveliness was inexhaustible, and it defied age or pain. A gentleman who was intimate at Montpellier, long after its owner's retirement, mentioned to us visiting him on one occasion, when he was severely indisposed and confined to his bed. When the family and guests sat down to dinner, the invalid desired the door of his apartment to be left open "so that he could hear what was going on." Every few moments he was heard to cry out in a feeble but most humorous voice, "Doctor, are you pushing about the bottles?do your duty, Doctor, or I must cashier you."

He had the power of completely interesting and amusing Jefferson in any of the moods of his mind, and this is no small bond of amity between even grave statesmen. A companion to unbend with-before whom care and blue-devils always flyis a very serious luxury to a king or a beggar; is one that

1 Curiously enough, Mr. Jefferson's complimentary language in his letters has been regarded as an evidence of insincerity and hollowness, by some persons of this abrupt generation, who have not chanced to learn that there ever existed any different model of manners from their own.

monarchs cannot always command. And when this player on David's harp, is, additionally, the steady friend and trusted counsellor, the luxury becomes as complete as it is unusual.

Jefferson and Madison delighted to manifest their confidence in each other. When Madison was asked his opinion by a common friend, he very often replied by putting another question: "what says Mr. Jefferson ?" Ask Jefferson for information and he would not unfrequently answer, "go to Mr. Madison-that was his measure-he knows a good deal more about it than I do." On being told this, Madison would smilingly say "it was his measure, not mine-I only helped carry it into execution." They always spoke of each other with warm expressions of respect and attachment. We mention these facts on the authority of those who were intimately familiar with them, and that of members of their respective families.

The late President, as has been said, freely corresponded with his successor on public affairs. But he did not fall into the senile mistake of putting on Mentor-like airs to the fullgrown disciple-or of descending to details of advice after the manner of those conceited and uneasy persons, who, having once acted an important part, are impressed with a lively conviction that nobody will ever again entirely fill it-that after nature created themselves she broke the mould of excellence. Jefferson rarely gave an unasked opinion; and he gradually retrenched and finally almost discontinued writing to the President on public measures, owing to the foolish and scandalous insinuations of the press, that the latter acted under his influence.

During the last session of the tenth Congress, and pending the action of that body on the Embargo and Non-intercourse Acts, some private correspondence had taken place between Madison and Gallatin, on one side, and Erskine, the resident British minister, on the other, with a view to adjust the difficulties between the two countries. The conduct of Erskine was frank and amicable. He obviously was sincerely desirous of an arrangement honorable to both sides. He wrote home commucating the propositions he had received, and what he believed to be the fair intentions of the new Cabinet towards his country, and in return received instructions from Mr. Canning, which he supposed authorized him to form a liberal treaty. One was accordingly made, and it was promulgated April 19th, 1809, with