abundance of running water could there be obtained, at heights far enough above the level of the tide to be employed, as was practised in lock navigation, as a means for raising the vessels to the desired beds.

The message closed thus:

"To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all their lawful enterprises; to foster our fisheries and nurseries of navigation and for the nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted to our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts, expend the public money with the same care and economy we would practise with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burden; to keep in all things within the pale of our constitutional powers, and cherish the federal Union as the only rock of safety-these, fellow citizens, are the landmarks by which we are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings. By continuing to make these our rule of action, we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles of their Constitution, and promote a union of sentiment and of action equally auspicious to their happiness and safety. On my part you may count on a cordial concurrence in every measure for the public good, and on all the information I possess which may enable you to discharge to advantage the high functions with which you are invested by your country."

The message gave great satisfaction to the Republicans, and even to many of the moderate Federalists. But it was not to the taste of a portion of the latter party. Hamilton represented the views of this class in a letter to General C. C. Pinckney, December 29th:

"Amidst the triumphant reign of democracy, do you retain sufficient interest in public affairs to feel any curiosity about what is going on? In my opinion, the follies and vices of the Administration have as yet made no material impression to their disadvantage. On the contrary, I think the malady is rather progressive than upon the decline in our northern quarter. The last lullaby message, instead of inspiring contempt, attracts praise. Mankind are forever destined to be the dupes of bold or cunning imposture. But a difficult knot has been twisted by the incidents of the cession of Louisiana, and the interruption of the deposit of New Orleans. You have seen the soft turn given to this in the message. Yet we are told that the President, in conversation, is very stout. The great embarrassment must be how to carry on the war without taxes. The pretty scheme of substituting economy to taxation will not do here. And a war would be a terrible comment upon the abandonment of the internal revenue. Yet how is popularity to be preserved with the western partisans, if their interests are tamely sacrificed? Will the artifice be for the chief to hold a bold language, and the subalterns to act a feeble part? Time must explain. You know my general theory as to our western affairs. I have always held that the unity of our empire, and the best interests of our nation, require that we shall annex to the United States all the territory east of the Missis

sippi, New Orleans included. Of course, I infer that, on an emergency like the present, energy is wisdom.":

1

Pinckney replied a few weeks afterwards:

"Does there not appear to be a great want of nerve and energy in the measures our rulers are adopting? They are not calculated to avoid war, and we shall have to encounter it in a shameful state of unpreparedness. Yet such is the infatuation of the people, that anti-Federalism certainly gains ground in this State, which can only exist by a strong union and firm government.""

Sedgwick was a little more hopeful.

"There was one conso

lation under all the humiliation which we endured from a sense of the degradation of our national character. This state of things could not long exist.""

Morris wrote an English friend:

"In truth, there is just now so much of what we call philosophy among our rulers, that we must not be surprised at the charge of pusillanimity. And our people have so much mercantile spirit, that, if other nations will keep their hands out of our pockets, it is not a trifling insult that will rouse us. Indeed, it is the fashion to say, that when injured it is more honorable to wait in patience the uncertain issue of negotiation, than promptly to do ourselves right by an act of hostility.

"It is the fashion with those discontented creatures, called Federalists, to say, that our President is not a Christian; yet they must acknowledge that in true Christian meekness, when smitten on one cheek he turns the other, and by his late appointment of Monroe, has taken special care that a stone, which the builders rejected, should be made first of the corner. These are his works; and for his faith, it is not as a grain of mustard, but the full size of a pumpkin, so that while the men of mustard-seed faith can only move mountains, he finds no difficulty in swallowing them. He believes, for instance, in the perfectibility of man, the wisdom of mobs, and moderation of Jacobins. He believes in payment of debts by diminution of revenue, in defence of territory by reduction of armies, and in vindication of rights by the appointment of ambassadors."

A groan broke from the uneasy retirement of Quincy. In answer to an invitation of citizens of Plymouth to attend a public festival, Mr. Adams wrote:

"I feel a well-grounded conviction that the best principles of our great and glorious ancestors are inherited by a large portion of the American people. And if the talents, the policy, the address, the power, the bigotry and tyranny of Archbishop Laud and the court of Charles the First were not able to destroy or discredit

1 Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 551. Ib. p. 554. Ib. p. 552. Morris's Works, vol. iii. p. 176. The letter is dated January 14th, immediately after the nomination of Monroe as Minister Extraordinary to France and Spain.

them in 1630 or 1635, there is little cause of apprehension for them from the feeble efforts of the frivolous libertines who are combining, conspiring, and intriguing against them in 1802."

The important business in Congress opened with proceedings in respect to the Spanish violation of treaty at New Orleans. Randolph, chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, on the 17th of December, moved to call on the President for information; and the latter communicated a copy of the order of the Spanish Intendant, and some other official papers as they were received.

The Federalists determined to drive the Administration from its policy, and vindicate their own former one, by blowing up a war excitement against Spain and France. Griswold moved, January 4th (1803), for the official documents in relation to the cession of Louisiana from Spain to France, and a report of all the circumstances, "unless such documents and report would, in the opinion of the President, divulge to the House particular transactions not proper at this time to be communicated." On the question of reference, a sharp skirmish took place, involving the point whether the debate should be public or private. The Federalists insisted that it should be public-that the question involved no secret-that the Government had exhibited remissness-that it was time for the House to act, etc. The call for more papers was voted down, and on the House being cleared, Randolph submitted the following resolution :

Resolved, That the House receive, with great sensibility, the information of a disposition in certain officers of the Spanish Government at New Orleans to obstruct the navigation of the river Mississippi, as secured to the United States by the most solemn stipulations. That, adhering to the humane and wise policy which ought ever to characterize a free people, and by which the United States have always professed to be governed, willing, at the same time, to ascribe this breach of compact to the unauthorized misconduct of certain individuals, rather than to a want of good faith on the part of his Catholic Majesty, and relying with perfect confidence on the vigilance and wisdom of the Executive, they will wait the issue of such measures as that department of the Government shall have pursued for asserting the rights and vindicating the injuries of the United States; holding it to be their duty, at the same time, to express their unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries, and the rights of navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi, as established by existing treaties.

Griswold the next day, in the House, submitted and proceeded to debate a motion in regard to the reference of his reso.

lution-which was already disposed of-saying, "if gentlemen were disposed to deny this information, let the denial be public." On his motion being voted down he submitted the following resolutions:

Resolved, That the people of the United States are entitled to the free navigation of the river Mississippi.

Resolved, That the navigation of the river Mississippi has been obstructed by the regulations recently carried into effect at New Orleans,

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire whether any, and, if any, what legislative measures are necessary to secure to the people of the United States the free navigation of the river Mississippi.

The House refused to take these up for present consideration by a vote of fifty to thirty-two. The committee to which Randolph's resolution was referred, passed it January 7th. On its being reported to the House, it was moved to strike out the clauses avowing confidence in the Executive and a determination to await the issue of its measures. This failed-yeas thirty, nays fifty-three-and after some other divisions the original resolution passed, yeas fifty, nays twenty-five.

A bill passed, February 26th, appropriating two millions of dollars "to defray the expenses which might be incurred in relation to the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations." The report on which this was founded, avowed the object of the appropriation to be "to enable the Executive to commence with more effect a negotiation with the French and Spanish Governments relative to the purchase from them of the island of New Orleans and the provinces of East and West Florida."

On the 11th of February the President had nominated a Minister Extraordinary for the purpose of attempting to effect these objects. The next day the Senate confirmed the appointment. Yet on the 14th, Ross, of Pennsylvania, commenced in the latter body a very inflammatory speech, accusing the government of tamely sacrificing the interests of our western States. On denouncing the attempt to purchase the territory "by giving two millions of dollars to certain influential persons about court"-he was called to order by Wright, of Maryland, for publicly debating upon confidential information. Vice-President Burr "perceived nothing improper or out of order in what had been said." Nicholas "hoped the galleries would be

cleared." Ross vociferated: "I will never speak on this subject with closed doors. The moment you shut your doors I cease; and when they are opened I will proceed. There is nothing of a secret or confidential nature in what I have to say."

On the 16th, he resumed and finished his remarks, in the Senate, in a similar vein; and in conclusion moved the following resolutions:

Resolved, That the United States have an indisputable right to the free navigation of the river Mississippi, and a convenient place of deposit for their produce and merchandise in the island of New Orleans.

That the late infraction of such, their unquestionable right, is an aggression hostile to their honor and interest.

That it does not consist with the dignity or safety of this Union to hold a right so important by a tenure so uncertain.

That it materially concerns such of the American citizens as dwell on the western waters, and is essential to the union, strength, and prosperity of these States, that they obtain complete security for the full and peaceable enjoyment of such their absolute right.

That the President be authorized to take immediate possession of such place or places, in the said island, or the adjacent territories, as he may deem fit and convenient for the purposes aforesaid; and to adopt such other measures for obtaining that complete security as to him in his wisdom shall seem meet.

That he be authorized to call into actual service any number of the militia of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, or the Mississippi Territory, which he may think proper, not exceeding fifty thousand, and to employ them, together with the military and naval forces of the Union, for effecting the objects above mentioned.

That the sum of five millions of dollars be appropriated to the carrying into effect the foregoing resolutions, and that the whole or any part of that sum be paid or applied, on warrants drawn in pursuance of such directions as the President may, from time to time, think proper to give to the Secretary of the Treasury.

On the 23d of February, Breckenridge moved to strike out all after the word "Resolved," in Ross's resolutions, and to substitute provisions authorizing the President, whenever he should deem it expedient, to require the Executives of the several States to arm and call out eighty thousand effective militia, or to accept volunteers in the place of a portion of the detachment; to appropriate sums for defraying expenses and erecting one or more arsenals, at such places as the President should judge proper, on the "western waters." The last words were all that gave any indication whatever of the object of the force.

De Witt Clinton, of New York, made his first elaborate speech in the Senate, February 23d; and it was on the preced