pretence, we have seen. He loved Mr. Madison, and soon fiercely hated and denounced him. He was enthusiastic in his admiration of Monroe, and afterwards poured out on him epithets implying contempt. He was one of the earliest supporters of General Jackson, and one of the first to abandon him. He insulted Mr. Clay in the Senate, fought with him, and then rushed in a dying state across the country, as fast as his horses could be driven, to be reconciled to him. He clung to Macon, Tazewell, and a little knot of friends through all; but had one of these been elected President, Randolph would probably have denounced him within six months of his inauguration.

Jefferson was his first and longest official love. His character during the first Presidency of the former was sounder and more even than ever afterwards. Admiration and wonder had not fostered his worse qualities into full bloom. He had not, since the full development of his powers, tasted the acid luxury of opposition.' Disappointment in love (to adopt a hypothesis hinted at by Mr. Garland) and long physical disease, had not reached that acme which unhinged him. The coming madness had not touched his brain.'

Professor Tucker states that in an early period of Mr. Jefferson's Administration, Randolph once read to him (Tucker) and George Hay, of Richmond, a passage from one of Godwin's novels, in which "the excitements and the triumphs of a leader of the opposition are very forcibly depicted," and the "remarks that he made and the emotion he exhibited" conveyed the impression to his hearers that he felt a painful contrast between his then position in Congress and that which he had held in the preceding Administration."-Tucker's Jefferson, vol. ii. p. 189.

2 The President's estimate of John Randolph has been the theme of some speculation. (See Benton's Thirty Years' View, vol. i. p. 473.) He undoubtedly treated him with all the respect and confidence with which he would have treated any person to whom his party in the House of Representatives assigned the position of leader; and it is not probable that Randolph's punctilious and exacting temper suggested the omission of any of the mere forms of attention. But we find no confidential personal or political correspondence between them. We do not believe any really confidential relations ever existed between them. Jefferson was too penetrating not to fully understand the want of balance and reliability in his character. We soon shall see hints enough of this in a letter to Monroe, where good taste and tact required him, under the particular circumstances, to award to Randolph all the credit to which he was entitled. In reality, there were few points of temper, disposition, judgment, or even political views, where there was much room for congeniality between the two men. The last portion of this remark may sound strangely, as Randolph was an ultra State-rights man, and was as austerely as Jefferson in favor of simple, pure, and republican forms. But his democracy was mostly theoretical. Indeed, it ceased to be even his theory. Burke became his political idol, and this early and fiery champion of republicanism spent his last days in raving and gibbering through his desolate ancestral halls against the overthrow of entails and aristocracy in Virginia; and he justly held Jefferson accountable as their overthrower. We should not quite tell the whole story if we should omit to mention that there was an imputed proximate cause for Randolph's defection from the Administration. Christopher Clark, his colleague and warm admirer, having heard him often speak of making a voyage to Europe at this period, applied to the President and Secretary of State to give him the English mission. Mr. Clark pushed his point far enough to discover that neither Jefferson nor Madison considered Mr. Randolph fitted for that position. It was not

The breach having been effected, Randolph soon threw off the restraints of moderation. Varnum, Bidwell, and other Republican leaders, who continued to be treated exactly as he himself had been treated by the President, and who made no more sacrifices of personal independence than he had done, were "Charles Jenkinsons "-"backstairs favorites" to "carry down. secret messages to the House"-and, as if venom was not per fect without scurrility, he has the credit on one occasion of having stigmatized them as "the pages of the Presidential. water-closet!" It is not necessary to enlarge on this class of details.

Such was the origin of the "Quids;" for the little handful that followed Mr. Randolph subsequently took that name. One of their earliest measures was to concert an opposition to Madison for the succession, and for that object they made themselves clamorous advocates of Monroe. In a letter to the latter, soon after the close of the session (May 4th) the President thus characteristically gave his impressions of Randolph's defection, and the history of its result:

"Our old friend, Mercer, broke off from us some time ago; at first professing to disdain joining the Federalists, yet, from the habit of voting together, becoming soon identified with them. Without carrying over with him one single person, he is now in a state of as perfect obscurity as if his name had never been known. Mr. J. Randolph is in the same track, and will end in the same way. His course has excited considerable alarm. Timid men consider it as a proof of the weakness of our Government, and that it is to be rent into pieces by demagogues, and to end in anarchy. I survey the scene with a different eye, and draw a different augury from it. In a House of Representatives of a great mass of good sense, Mr. Randolph's popular eloquence gave him such advantages as to place him unrivalled as the leader of the House; and, although not conciliatory to those whom he led, principles of duty and patriotism induced many of them to swallow humiliations he subjected them to, and to vote as was right, as long as he kept the path of right himself. The sudden defection of such a man could not but produce a momentary astonishment, and even dismay; but for a moment only. The good sense of the House rallied around its principles, and without any leader pursued steadily the business of the session, did it well, and by a strength of vote which has never before been seen. Upon all trying questions, exclusive of the Federalists, the minority of Republicans voting with him has been from four to six or eight, against from ninety to one hundred; and although he yet treats the Federalists with ineffable contempt, yet, having declared eternal opposition to this Administration, and consequently associated with them in his votes, he will, like Mercer, end with them. The augury I draw

believed that the latter had prompted the application, but it was believed that he resented the refusal as much as if it had been made to himself. A later Administration pursued a different course, but with no different ultimate result.

from this is, that there is a steady, good sense in the Legislature, and in the body of the nation, joined with good intentions, which will lead them to discern and to pursue the public good under all circumstances which can arise, and that no ignis fatuus will be able to lead them long astray. In the present case, the public sentiment, as far as declarations of it have yet come in, is, without a single exception, in firm adherence to the Administration.

"The great body of your friends are among the firmest adherents to the Administration, and in their support of you will suffer Mr. Randolph to have no communications with them. My former letter told you the line which both duty and inclination would lead me sacredly to pursue. But it is unfortunate for you, to be embarrassed with such a soi-disant friend. You must not commit yourself to him."

We will resume our account of the proceedings of the first session of the ninth Congress. On the 17th of January (1806), the President communicated a special message in regard to British captures, which were calling out memorials from the merchants of all our seaport towns. He declared that the principle now sought to be overthrown by British authorities (the right of neutrals to trade with belligerents in ports not blockaded and in articles not contraband) was supposed to have been settled in our favor by the joint Commission-and that Great Britain had actually paid us damages, under the awards of that Commission, for infractions of this right. He stated that our minister had made unavailing representations on the subject, and also in regard to impressment, concerning which latter a hope had existed of satisfactory arrangement, but which now had passed away.

The message being referred to a Committee of the Whole, various propositions for retaliatory action rapidly followed. Gregg, of Pennsylvania, moved to suspend all further importations from Great Britain until satisfactory arrangements were made in regard to captures and impressments.' Clay (of the same State) proposed a retaliation in kind for interdictions against American vessels; that foreign vessels should not carry merchandise from the United States to their own ports, or bring their own merchandise to our ports where the same privilege was not extended to American vessels; and that no foreign vessel should import any merchandise into the United States not the product of the nation to which the ship belonged, unless expressly per

1 January 29th.

mitted by treaty, or unless during a war to which the United States were parties.' Nicholson, of Maryland, moved to exclude various specific articles of the growth or manufacture of Great Britain. Crowninshield, of Massachusetts, moved to cut off all intercourse with European colonies in America, unless American vessels were allowed to share in the export and import trade. Sloan, of New Jersey, moved that all intercourse with the British dominions should cease within a specified time, unless she restored our impressed seamen and discharged and made reparation for detaining our vessels contrary to the law of nations.'

He

Gregg's resolution was the principal one discussed. The opposition attacked it on the ground that it was a war measure in disguise. Its friends "say, it is true," exclaimed Randolph, "that it is not a war measure, but they defend it on principles that would justify none but war measures, and seem pleased with the idea that it may prove the forerunner of war." denounced our carrying trade as most fraudulently conductedthat "whilst we boasted of our honor on this floor, our name had become a by-word among the nations," that it was the "spirit of an avaricious traffic [which] would plunge us in war”—and he said "if this great agricultural nation is to be governed by Salem and Boston, New York and Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and Norfolk, and Charleston, let gentlemen come out and say so."

This narrow argument was not a very palatable one to the Federalists of New England; but they were willing to take Mr. Randolph's spurning help, on any terms. His "independence" was warmly eulogized; and thenceforth these remote extremes were generally found practically acting together against the Administration.

On the 13th of March, the House divided on a motion to discharge the Committee of the Whole from the further consideration of Gregg's resolution, and the vote stood yeas, twenty-four -nays, one hundred and one; and on a like motion in regard to Sloan's resolution, the vote stood yeas, twenty-six-nays, ninetyeight.

On the 26th of March, the question was taken on the bill. which reflected the wishes of the President. It provided that after the 15th day of the ensuing November-nearly eight

February 5th.

2 February 10th.

February 12th.

months in advance-certain specified articles should no longer be imported from the British dominions, or from elsewhere, if of British production. This partial prohibition would be much less offensive to England-would incidentally favor branches of our own industry-and the delay would give ample time for adjustment with that power, and a consequent repeal of the law before it should go into operation. The vote on its passage stood, yeas, ninety-three-nays, thirty-two. The entire body of the Federalists voted in the negative, and with them John Randolph and his friends. The bill passed the Senate, April 15th, by a vote of nineteen to nine, J. Q. Adams voting with the majority, and Adair, Logan, Stone, and Sumpter, Republican senators, voting with the Federal minority.

The precautionary regulations made at the last session, against a contraband trade between our merchants and St. Domingo, had not proved effectual, and an act was passed to entirely prohibit all intercourse with the revolted provinces, for a year, unless the prohibition should be sooner removed by the President.

Congress appropriated one hundred and fifty thousand dollars to enable the President to cause the ports and harbors of the United States to be better fortified and protected-two hundred and fifty thousand dollars to enable him to cause fifty gunboats to be constructed-twenty thousand dollars to enable him to man and equip them-and he was authorized to direct any of the armed vessels of the United States to be sold, whenever he judged them too much out of repair to be profitably refitted. He was empowered to call as many of the public vessels as he should deem proper into service, the only restriction being on the number of seamen employed. He was authorized to require the State Executives to organize, equip, and hold in readiness to march at a moment's warning, one hundred thousand militia, and to call this force into service "when he should judge the exigencies of the United States required it.”

The slenderness of the military appropriations shows probably two or three things-that there was a strong expectation of averting war-that if it ultimately came, the Government expected to rely mainly on citizen soldiery-and lastly, that, in those days, money was a scarce commodity.

A law was enacted to appoint commissioners to lay out a road