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vailed upon, instruct their senators to endeavor to procure a repeal of the repealing law. The body of New England, speaking the same language, will give a powerful impulse. In Congress, our friends to propose little, to agree cordially to all good measures, and to resist and expose all bad. This is a general sketch of what has occurred to me. It is at the service of my friends for so much as it may be worth."

General Hamilton was even more unsuccessful when he attempted to secure the "sweet voices" of the multitude by caresses, than when he acted the natural and vigorous part of Coriolanus.

The passages in which he assures one of the most intimate and confidential of his political correspondents that now no "revolutionary result" is contemplated, that, "in his opinion," they must cling to the Constitution "bonâ fide," and reject “all changes but through the channel itself provided for amendments," are very suggestive.

This card-castle did not make a favorable impression on a man of equal ability and far greater shrewdness and knowledge of men. Bayard wrote back that "the plan was marked with great ingenuity, but he was not inclined to think that it was applicable to the state of things in this country." He said, "they had the greater number of political calculators," their opponents of "political fanatics;" that "an attempt at association, organized into clubs, on the part of the Federalists, would revive a thousand jealousies and suspicions which now began to slumber;" that they must "not be too impatient ;" that two or three years, without any exertion on their part, "would render every honest man in the country their proselyte;" and finally, that he had "had an opportunity of learning the opinions of the Chief Justice," who "considered the late repealing act as operative in depriving the judges of all power derived under the act repealed," the office however still remaining, a "mere capacity, without a new appointment, to receive and exercise any new judicial powers which the legislature might confer."1 And thus dropped the extinguisher on "The Christian Constitutional Society."

The President wrote Joel Barlow, May 3d, giving the political statistics of the United States at the time with great accuracy and force. The following sentences will show what he

1 For letter, see Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 543.

anticipated from Judge Marshall's then forthcoming biography of Washington:

"John Marshall is writing the life of General Washington from his papers. It is intended to come out just in time to influence the next Presidential election. It is written, therefore, principally with a view to electioneering purposes."

Congress adjourned on the 3d of May, and on the 5th the President set out on a flying visit home. He reached the capital again before the close of the month.

He wrote one of his usual highly respectful letters to Dr. Priestley, June 19th, repelling the praise of the latter for any exclusive agency in the great political revolution which had been effected-declaring that "no individual had a right to take any great share to himself" of its accomplishment-that "our people in a body were wise"-that "those they had assigned to the direction of their affairs had stood with a pretty even front-if any one of them had been withdrawn, many others, entirely equal, had been ready to fill his place with as good abilities." Few, probably, will quite concur in the accuracy of these modest expressions.

MY DEAR MARIA:

TO MARIA JEFFERSON EPPES, BERMUDA HUNDRED.

WASHINGTON, July 1st, 1802.

Mr. Eppes's letter of May 11th is the last news I have heard of you. I wrote to him June 13. Your sister has been disappointed in her visit here by the measles breaking out in her family. It is therefore put off to October. I propose to leave this on the 21st inst., and shall be at Monticello on the 24th or 27th, according to the route I take; where I shall hope to find you on my arrival. I should very much apprehend that were you to continue at the Hundred till then, yourself, Mr. Eppes, or the little one, might be prevented by the diseases incident to the advancing season, from going up at all. It will therefore give me great pleasure to hear of your leaving the Hundred as soon as Mr. Eppes's affairs will permit. Mr. Trist and Dr. Bache will both set out within a few days for the Mississippi, with a view to remove their families thither in the fall; so we shall lose those two late accessions to our neighborhood. However, in the summer season, our complaint is not the want of society; and in the winter there can be little, even among neighbors. Dabney Carr was married on Monday (28), and set out yesterday (30) with his new wife for Albemarle, where he will join his mother, now keeping house at Dunlora, till he can fix himself in Charlottesville, which will be soon. Sam Carr returns decidedly to live at Dunlora; the marriage of the other sister to Dabney seems to have effected this. Peter and his wife are expected here daily on their way to Baltimore. From this sketch you may judge of the state of our neighborhood when we shall meet there. It will be infinitely joyful to me to be with you there, after the longest separation we have had for years. I count from one meeting to another as we do between

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port and port at sea; and I long for the moment with the same earnestness. sent me affectionately to Mr. Eppes, and let me hear from you immediately. Be assured yourself of my tender and unchangeable affections.

TH. JEFFERSon.

MY DEAR MARIA:

TO MARIA JEFFERSON EPPES.

WASHINGTON,

July 2, 1802. My letter of yesterday had hardly got out of my hand when yours of June 21st and Mr. Eppes's of the 25th were delivered. I learn with extreme concern the state of your health and that of the child, and am happy to hear you have got from the Hundred to Eppington, the air of which will aid your convalescence, and will enable you to delay your journey to Monticello till you have recovered your strength to make the journey safe. With respect to the measles, they began in Mr. Randolph's family about the middle of June, and will probably be a month getting through the family; so that you had better, when you go, pass on direct to Monticello, not calling at Edgehill. I will immediately write to your sister, and inform her I have advised you to this. I have not heard yet of the disease having got to Monticello, but the intercourse with Edgehill being hourly, it cannot have failed to have gone there immediately; and as there are no young children there but Bet's and Sally's, and the disease is communicable before a person knows they have it, I have no doubt those children have passed through it. The children of the plantation, being a mile and a half off, can easily be guarded against. I will write to Monticello, and direct that should the nail boys or any others have it, they be removed to the plantation instantly on your arrival. Indeed, none of them but Bet's sons stay on the mountain: and they will be doubtless through it. I think, therefore, you may be there in perfect security. It had gone through the neighborhood chiefly when I was there in May; so that it has probably disappeared. You should make inquiry on the road before you go into any house, as the disease is now universal throughout the State, and all the States. Present my most friendly attachment to Mr. and Mrs. Eppes. Tell the latter I have had her spectacles these 6 months, waiting for a direct conveyance. My best affections to Mr. Eppes, if with you, and the family, and tender and constant love to yourself.

TH. JEFFERSON.

P.S. I have always forgotten to answer your apologies about Critta, which were very unnecessary. I am happy she has been with you and useful to you. At Monticello there could be nothing for her to do; so that her being with you is exactly as desirable to me as she can be useful to you.

TO MARIA JEFFERSON EPPES.

WASHINGTON, July 16, 1802.

MY DEAR MARIA:

Your sister informs me she has lately given you information of the health of the family. It seems her children have escaped the measles, though some of the negroes have had it. The following is an extract from her letter dated July 10th:

"We are entirely free from the measles here now. Those of our people who had it are recovered. At Monticello, the last time I heard from there, three of the nail boys had it and others were complaining; but whether with the measles or not I could not learn. I will send over to Lilly immediately to let him know your orders on the subject." Those orders were to remove every person from the mountain who had or should have the measles. I have no doubt you may proceed with the utmost security. I shall be there before you, to wit, on Saturday the 24th, and will take care to have a clear stage, if anybody should still have it; but there can be no doubt it will have gone through all who were to have it before that date. I am satisfied Francis will have more to hope from the change of air, than to fear from the measles. And as to yourself, it is of great importance to get up into the country as soon as you are able, the liability to bilious diseases being exactly in proportion to the distance from the sea. I leave this on the 24th, and shall be in great hopes of receiving yourself and Mr. Eppes there immediately. I received two days ago his letter of the 8th, in which he gives me a poor account of your health, though he says you are recruiting. Make very short stages, be off always by daylight, and have your day's journey over by ten. In this way it is probable you may find the moderate exercise of the journey of service to yourself and Francis. Nothing is more frequent than to see a child reëstablished by a journey. Present my sincerest affections to the family at Eppington and to Mr. Eppes. Tell him the Tory newspapers are all attacking his publication, and urging it as a proof that Virginia has for object to change the Constitution of the United States, and to make it too impotent to curb the larger States. Accept yourself assurances of my constant and tenderest love.

TH. JEFFERSON.

On the 13th of July, the President addressed Mr. King, the American minister to England, on the subject of obtaining permission of the proper authorities for transporting the insurgent blacks of Virginia to the colony of Sierra Leone. The following was the closing paragraph of the letter, and it will become more interesting in the light of some subsequent circum

stances:

"The request of the Legislature of Virginia having produced to me the occasion of addressing you, I avail myself of it to assure you of my perfect satisfaction with the manner in which you have conducted the several matters confided to you by us; and to express my hope that through your agency we may be able to remove everything inauspicious to a cordial friendship between this country and the one in which you are stationed; a friendship dictated by too many considerations not to be felt by the wise and the dispassionate of both nations. It is therefore with the sincerest pleasure I have observed on the part of the British Government various manifestations of just and friendly disposition towards us. We wish to cultivate peace and friendship with all nations, believing that course most conducive to the welfare of our own. It is natural that these friendships should bear some proportion to the common interests of the parties. The interesting relations between Great Britain and the United States, are certainly of the first order; and as such are estimated, and will be faithfully cultivated by us. These sentiments have been communicated to

you from time to time in the official correspondence of the Secretary of State; but I have thought it might not be unacceptable to be assured that they perfectly concur with my own personal convictions, both in relation to yourself and the country in which you are. I pray you to accept assurances of my high consideration and respect."

The President's next two letters pertain to an affair which, at the time, was the theme of the most constant and offensive imputations against him by the opposition press; and which has since been the subject of a good many historical misstatements. For these reasons, we prefer to give space for his own full explanations:

To GOVERNOR MONROE.

DEAR SIR:

WASHINGTON, July 16, 1802.

Your favor of the 7th has been duly received. I am really mortified at the base ingratitude of Callender. It presents human nature in a hideous form. It gives me concern, because I perceive that relief, which was afforded him on mere motives of charity, may be viewed under the aspect of employing him as a writer. When the Political Progress of Britain first appeared in this country, it was in a periodical publication called the Bee, where I saw it. I was speaking of it in terms of strong approbation to a friend in Philadelphia, when he asked me if I knew tha the author was then in the city, a fugitive from prosecution on account of that work, and in want of employ for his subsistence. This was the first of my learning that Callender was the author of the work. I considered him as a man of science fled from persecution, and assured my friend of my readiness to do whatever could serve him. It was long after this before I saw him; probably not till 1798. He had, in the meantime, written a second part of the Political Progress, much inferior to the first, and his History of the United States. In 1798, I think, I was applied to by Mr. Lieper to contribute to his relief. I did so. In 1799, I think, S. T. Mason applied for him. I contributed again. He had, by this time, paid me two or three personal visits. When he fled in a panic from Philadelphia to General Mason's, he wrote to me that he was a fugitive in want of employ, wished to know if he could get into a counting-house or a school, in my neighborhood or in that of Richmond; that he had materials for a volume, and if he could get as much money as would buy the paper, the profit of the sale would be all his own. I availed myself of this pretext to cover a mere charity, by desiring him to consider me a subscriber for as many copies of his book as the money inclosed (fifty dollars) amounted to; but to send me two copies only, as the others might lay till called for. But I discouraged his coming into my neighborhood. His first writings here had fallen far short of his original Political Progress, and the scurrilities of his subsequent ones began evidently to do mischief. As to myself, no man wished more to see his pen stopped; but I considered him still as a proper object of benevolence. The succeeding year, Le again wanted money to buy paper for another volume. I made his letter, as before, the occasion of giving him another fifty dollars. He considers these as proofs of my approbation of his writings, when they were mere charities, yielded under a strong conviction that he was injuring us by his writings. It is known to many that

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