The following letter to Colonel John Taylor of Caroline (January 6th) shows the firm determination of the President to retire at the close of his second term, though the importunate entreaties of friends had thus far prevented any public announcement of that fact.

"My opinion originally was that the President of the United States should have been elected for seven years, and forever ineligible afterwards. I have since become sensible that seven years is too long to be irremovable, and that there should be a peaceable way of withdrawing a man in midway who is doing wrong. The service for eight years, with a power to remove at the end of the first four, comes nearly to my principle as corrected by experience; and it is in adherence to that, that I determine to withdraw at the end of my second term. The danger is that the indulgence and attachments of the people will keep a man in the chair after he becomes a dotard, that reëlection through life shall become habitual, and election for life follow that. General Washington set the example of voluntary retirement after eight years. I shall follow it. And a few more precedents will oppose the obstacle of habit to any one after awhile who shall endeavor to extend his term. Perhaps it may beget a disposition to establish it by an amendment of the Constitution. I believe I am doing right therefore in pursuing my principle. I had determined to declare my intention, but I have consented to be silent on the opinion of friends, who think it best not to put a continuance out of my power in defiance of all circumstances. There is, however, but one circumstance which could engage my acquiescence in another election; to wit, such a division about a successor, as might bring in a monarchist. But that circumstance is impossible. While, therefore, I shall make no formal declaration to the public of my purpose, I have freely let it be understood in private conversation. In this I am persuaded yourself and my friends generally will approve of my views. And should I, at the end of a second term, carry into retirement all the favor which the first has acquired, I shall feel the consolation of having done all the good in my power, and expect with more than composure the termination of a life no longer valuable to others or of importance to myself."

The President's second inauguration took place on the 4th of March, 1805, in the sixty-second year of his age.

His speech on the occasion was longer than his former one, and much less ornately written. He declared that "his conscience told him that he had, on every occasion, acted up to" the declaration of his first inaugural address, "according to its obvious import and to the understanding of every candid mind." Allud

necessary to sustain life, has begotten a depravity of morals, a dependence and corruption, which renders them an undesirable accession to a country whose morals are sound. My expressions looked forward to the time when our own great cities would get into the same state. But they have been quoted as if meant for the present time here. As yet our manufacturers are as much at their ease, as independent and moral, as our agricultural inhabitants, and they will continue so as long as there are vacant lands for them to resort to; because whenever it shall be attempted by the other classes to reduce them to the minimum of subsistence, they will quit their trades and go to laboring the earth."

ing to the fortunate state of our foreign relations, he said: "We are firmly convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations as with individuals, our interests soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties; and history bears witness to the fact, that a just nation is taken on its word, when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others."

After stating our overflowing income, he, in suggesting what applications might be made of it, after extinguishing the public debt and meeting all other necessary objects, mentioned that it might be disposed of by "a just repartition among the States, and [by] a corresponding amendment of the Constitution, be applied, in time of peace, to rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education, and other objects within each State." In time of war, it might be made to meet all the expenses of war, "without encroaching on the rights of future generations, by burdening them with the debts of the past."

In regard to the acquisition of Louisiana, he said:

"I know that the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved of by some, from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory would endanger its Union. But who can limit the extent to which the federative principle may operate effectively? The larger our association, the less will it be shaken by local passions; and, in any view, is it not better that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled by our own brethren and children, than by strangers of another family! With which shall we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly intercourse?"

Two clauses in the address pertain to the Indians. The first exhibits his deep humanity for that unfortunate race. The second, while exposing some of the most prominent causes of their continuous decline, is evidently intended as a hit at a class of white men. It is as follows:

"But the endeavors to enlighten them on the fate which awaits their present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances, have powerful obstacles to encounter; they are combated by the habits of their bodies, prejudice of their minds, ignorance, pride, and the influence of interested and crafty individuals among them, who feel themselves something in the present order of things, and fear to become nothing in any other. These persons inculcate a sanctimonious reverence for the customs of their ancestors; that whatsoever they did, must be done through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to advance under its counsel, in their physical, moral, or political condition, is perilous innovation; that their duty is to remain as their Creator made them, ignorance being safety, and knowledge full of danger; in short, my friends, among them is seen the action and counteraction of good sense

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and bigotry; they, too, have their anti-philosophers,' who find an interest in keep ing things in their present state, who dread reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendency of habit over the duty of improving our reason, and obeying its mandates."

He stated that "the artillery of the press had been levelled against" the Administration, "charged with whatever its licentiousness could devise or dare." These abuses might have been corrected and punished under State laws. But he considered it important to know "whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, was not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth-whether a Government conducting itself in the true spirit of its Constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can be written down by falsehood and defamation." The experiment, he said, had been tried: the verdict of the people "had been honorable to those who served them, and consolatory to the friend of man, who believed he might be intrusted with his own affairs."

He contemplated "the union of sentiment now manifested so generally, as auguring harmony and happiness to our future course" correct principles were extending; a kindly and patient toleration should be shown to the dissentients.

The following is the concluding paragraph:

"I shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow citizens have again called me, and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved. I fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray; I am sensible of no passion which could seduce me knowingly from the path of justice; but the weakness of human nature, and the limits of my own understanding, will produce errors of judgment sometimes injurious to your interests. I shall need, therefore, all the indulgence I have heretofore experienced-the want of it will certainly not lessen with increasing years. I shall need, too, the favor of that Being in whose hands we are, who led our forefathers, as Israel of old, from their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries and comforts of life; who has covered our infancy with his providence, and our riper years with his wisdom and power; and to whose goodness I ask you to join with me in supplications, that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their measures, that whatsoever they do, shall result in your good, and shall secure to you the peace, friendship, and approbation of all nations."

Some changes in the Cabinet took place at the period of the President's entrance on his second term. Mr. Lincoln, the At

1 The italicization of this word is, of course, ours.

torney-General, resigned, and on the second of March, Robert Smith, the Secretary of the Navy, was appointed in his place. Jacob Crowninshield, of Massachusetts, was the same day appointed to the Navy department. But Mr. Crowninshield, very extensively engaged in commerce, could not accept the office. Smith returned to his former place, and John Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was appointed Attorney-General on the 23d of the ensuing December.

The "union of sentiment" spoken of in the President's inaugural address, though it did not soon diminish in regard to national affairs, was broken in upon by severe local schisms in several of the States. There were not enough Federalists left in some of them to form the outside pressure necessary to keep the Republicans together; and, as generally happens in such cases, personal ambition and personal preferences and dislikes led to speedy disruptions. The Burr faction in New York, consisting of a few Democrats aided by the main body of the Federalists, was scarcely swept away, before a division took place between the Clintons and Livingstons, and raged with proscriptive fury. In Pennsylvania, a bitter feud sprung up between the ultra Democrats, who desired to introduce more radical features into the State Constitution (such as a limitation of the term of judges, the annual election of senators, and the reduction of the Execuitve patronage), and the more conservative branch, who opposed these innovations. The former took the name of the "Friends of the People," the latter of "Constitutionalists." McKean having vetoed some legislative measures of the "Friends of the People," that party denounced him, and nominated Simon Snyder for Governor. McKean was supported by the "Constitutionalists" and Federalists at the fall election, and was elected by a considerable majority. The Aurora took part, with its usual vehemence, with the radicals. Leib supported the same side; and Thomas Paine-now settled down on a farm given him by the State of New York-wrote articles in its favor. Dallas and Logan sided with McKean. Some difficulties had also broken out among the Kentucky Republicans-which it is not important here to describe.

In a letter to Dr. Logan, May 11th, the President, without favoring either of the Pennsylvania factions, lamented the division, declaring that "the minority, whichever section should

be the minority, would end in a coalition with the Federalists, and some compromise of principle; because these would not sell their aid for nothing."

The collection of Mr. Jefferson's letters to his daughters, in our possession, mostly closed with the death of Mrs. Eppes. From that period we have scattering family letters addressed to his son-in-law, Mr. Eppes, and after some period, to several of his grandchildren.

DEAR SIR:

TO JOHN W. EPPES, EPPINGTON.

WASHINGTON, May 27th, 1805.

Not understanding the conveyance to you by post beyond Richmond, I have thought it safest to remit the 100 D. for you to Gibson & Jefferson, subject to your order, which is done this day. I was never better pleased with a riding-horse than with Jacobin. It is now really a luxury to me to ride. The early prevalence of sickness for this season will probably drive us hence earlier than usual, perhaps by the middle of July. I shall proceed almost directly to Bedford, and will there take to my assistance Mr. Clay and Mr. Clark, and lay off at the east end of the tract so much as shall, taking quality and quantity into consideration, be equal to the average value of 1000 acres of the whole tract generally. The tenderest considerations ensure a conscientious performance of this duty, and to be governed by the judg ment of those who, knowing the tract well, will have no motive but to do what is right. I shall hope on my return from Bedford to find you at Monticello with the beloved children, objects of my tenderest solicitudes. I shall not be without a hope of seeing Mr. and Mrs. Eppes also at Monticello. Though I cannot now repay their visits, if they will trust me four years I will overgo the measure. You will see in the papers an extra letter of Elliot's of extraordinary aspect. It contains some absolute untruths, but what is most remarkable is, that expressions are so put together as to be literally true when strictly considered and analyzed, and yet to convey to ninety-nine readers out of one hundred the most absolute and mischievous falsehoods. It is a most insidious attempt to cover his own opinions and passions under the mantle of the Executive, and to fill with inquietude the Republicans who have not the means of good information. Present me to Mr. and Mrs. Eppes and family, and accept my affectionate salutations.

TH. JEFFERSON.