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CHRONOLOGY

THOMAS JEFFERSON was born at Shadwell, Albemarle County, Virginia, April, 1743. Was the son of a wealthy planter. Up to the age of 14, was under the care of a private tutor, and then spent two years in a private school.

1760-62, was a student at William & Mary College. 1762, began the study of law under George Wythe, but did not apply for admission to the bar until 1767. In connection with the practice of law, he operated his plantation, which consisted of five thousand acres.

1769-75, member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. 1775-76, member of the Continental Congress.

In 1776 drafted the Declaration of Independence. 1776-79, member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. 1779-81, Governor of Virginia. 1783-84, member of Congress from Virginia. 1784-89, United States Minister to France.

1789-93, Secretary of State. President of the United States. of the United States.

1797-1801, Vice1801-09, President

1809-26, lived at Monticello, and although in private life, took an active interest in public affairs. It was during this period that he founded the University of Virginia.

Died at Monticello, Albemarle County, Virginia, July 4, 1826.

THOMAS JEFFERSON

FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS DELIVERED IN WASHINGTON MARCH 4, 1801

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:

Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens, which is here assembled, to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look towards me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments, which the greatness of the charge, and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry; engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies

beyond the reach of mortal eye; when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I despair, did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution, I shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal, on which to rely under all difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which all are embarked, amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.

During the contest of opinion through which we have passed, the animation of discussions and exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on

strangers unused to think freely, and to speak and to write what they think; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will of course arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in one common effort for the common good. All, too, will bear in mind. this sacred principle, that, though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect; and to violate would be oppression. Let us then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind; let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection, without which, liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary things; and let us reflect, that having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance, as despotic as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecu

tions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore, that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety; but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans, all federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong; that this government is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which

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