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virulence. He talks of his prejudices and predit.ctions, and calls him a weak fn. Is this the return which a Briton makes for an unclouded æra of above thirty years of the trueft liberty this nation ever enjoyed? Are the facred alhes of a king, who made the laws of his country the only rule of his government, and founded his own happiness in that of his people, thus to be trampled upon? Surely this is the height of balenefs and ingratitude; but it is the defpicable, though fashionable, cant of a party, who are daily making their court to an illiberal patron by the most indecent outrage offered to their late fovereign and benefactor: A liberty, not to fay licentioufnefs, very unfit to recommend those who are guilty of it to the favour of a prince, one of whofe amiable qualities is a filial regard to the memory of his predeceffor.

The MONITOR of July 19. contains fome strictures on the Briton, No. 3. in which the fubfidy to the King of Pruffia is called, an annual tribute, in the payment of which the honour and interest of the nation were fcandaloufly prostituted. This, he fays, arraigns King, Lords, and Com. mons, of proftituting their power and au thority, and combining in a measure to difhonour and ruin the nation. He then proceeds to examine the allegation in fub ftance as follows.

A tribute is a token of bondage. Did the British parliament, when they granted an annual supply of money to the King of Pruflia, give any reafon to fufpect, that therewith they furrendered to him their liberty, lives, and fortunes? or did they act, as if they made that obligation through fear of what might be dreaded from the progrefs of his arms; or through that magnanimous principle of fuccouring the diftrefled; of maintaining a balance of power, for which England has always been applauded; and of favouring our national intereft? Did not the King of Pruflia, in confideration of that annual payment, ftipulate to enter into no treaty of peace detrimental to the intereft, and without the confent of G. Britain? and to keep the fword drawn against our enemies, till his Britannic Majefty fhould give him leave to fheath it by an honourable peace?—In all which there does not appear any thing like flavery or tribute on the part of Britain.-A word applied by an infidious writer, to divert the refentment of the people from thofe who

fhould, by a breach of public faith, provoke the King of Pruffia to defert our caufe, at a time we ftand in greatest need of his affiftance, to prevent the fatal confequences of the Bourbon-familycompact to the intereft of our country, This fubfidy was of no other kind, than what not only Britain, but other nations, particularly France, has always made ufe of. Of this kind have been feveral northern princes, who were always looked upon as tributaries, or fubfervient, to the nation which paid them for their friendfhip and aid, and not as holding their paymasters in a state of tributary subjec-.

tion.

How fuch a treaty with the King of Pruffia can be branded with the fcandalous prostitution of the honour and interest of the nation, is as unjust, as it is inconceivable. Was it beneath the King of G. Britain to enter into an alliance with a Proteftant king, of the first rank for his virtues, for his valour, and for his strength and intereft in Europe? Was it fcandalous to fecure fuch an ally by a pecuniary fettlement, when the union of the hou fes of Auftria and Bourbon, affifted by Ruffia, Sweden, and other powers, threatened immediate deftruction to our trade. and intereft on the continent of Europe? was it fcandalous to facilitate our operations by fea in America, and in other diftant regions, by a well-timed application of fuch a fubfidy; which kept. France in fuch a state of uncertainty, dependence, and expence, that difabled her from a vigorous pursuit of her natural and national intereft, and crowned our expeditions every where with fuccess?

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Certainly, no Briton can deny, that fuch a treaty was in every part becoming a king of G. Britain; that it has been attended with glorious effects; and that a breach of it, on our part, will deprive us of our beft ally, and draw upon us fuch difagreeable confequences, as may lay the foundation of another war.

The next example of the abilities of the my is, their great fhare in the means to deliver the King of Pruffia from the most formidable of all his enemies.Which is fuch a piece of effrontery as exceeds the most romantic fictions. Death was the only means that could deliver the King of Pruffia from the formidable power of Ruffia.-Death took the implacable Czarina out of the way, for the exaltation of a fucceffor, already difpofed to give peace to his fubjects, and to re

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uly 1762.

A view of the present political difputes.

ue the very King of Prussia, with whom he advocates for the prefent m―y preume to fay, it is inglorious, difhonourale, vile, and fcandalous, to be in alance, from the confederacy of Auftria, the Empire, France, &c. to ruin him. Neither is this advocate more credible n his other points of commendation. or, if our accounts be authentic, our aval power is fo far from being able to naintain the empire of the Mediterraean, to annihilate the commerce and avigation of the enemy in that fea, to nfult the coafts, and to block up the harbours of France and Spain; that the Toulon fquadron has joined the Spanish deet in Carthagena, and the enemy's privateers make great havock upon our Levant trade. And then for the laurels ac quired at Martinico, or which are expect ed from the expeditions planned by Mr Pitt against Louifiana, the Havannah, c. fhould they be afcribed to the wif dom and vigour of the prefent ad--n, it would be dreffing the jackdaw in the peacock's feathers. But permit me to give one ludicrous inftance of the activity of thofe who are now at the helm.Did they not promile fuccours to the King of Portugal in laft December, and what have they now done?-Have they not delayed their help, till the Spaniards have taken part of his country, and till the heat will prevent our troops from entering upon action, and the ripe fruits and new wines will greatly endanger their healths?

The BRITON, N° 4. expofes the abfurdity of decrying men of parts and integrity, merely upon account of that part of the kingdom where they happened to be born.-Scotland (fays he) has given birth to two dangerous rebellions.-But was the Earl of B-te, or any of his family, engaged in either? No; they were principally concerned in extinguifhing both: and if we condemn a whole nation for the crime of a few infurgents, I doubt we must look for a mr in fome other country than in England, which hath been as fruitful in infurrections as any kingdom in Europe. If Scotland is to be upbraided with the laft rebellion, let it alio be remem bered, that not one hundredth part of the Scottish nation was imbarked in that defperate scheme; that not one native of Scotland employed in the fervice of the government, fhrunk from his duty, or betrayed his truft, on that occafion; that

353

his Majefty, convinced of their fidelity, intrusted the chief command of the forces in South Britain, at that ticklish conjuncture, to a Scotchman; that the Duke of: Cumberland led the Scots by whole regiments against the rebels at Culloden; that the number of Scotchmen in his army on that aufpicious day, was at least equal to that of their fouthern brethren, and every officer that fell on his fide in the battle, was a native of North Britain. Let it be moreover remembered, that many of thofe delinquents were cut off by the fword; that fome were offered up as neceffary victims to public justice; and that the furvivors have fince literally washed away their offences with their blood; witness their bones now bleaching in almost every quarter of the globe,—at Cape · Breton, Ticonderago, Fort du Quefne, and Quebec, in Guadalupe and Martinique, before the walls of Pondicherry, and in the plains of Weftphalia; witnels thofe fwarms of miferable maimed highlanders, who are daily feen crawling about with fcarce any veftige of the human form, in the fkirts of this metropolis.

The AUDITOR, N° 2. draws two characters, the favourite of the Venal, and the favourite of the Mob.

The favourite of the Venal, fays he, will be found a wretched compound of ignorance and cunning, extravagance and rapacity, plausibility and deceit; who spends his youth, not in the acquifition. either of polite or useful learning, but in the nursery of corruption; learning the tricks of bufinefs, not the arts of governi, ment; a borough his fchool, and electioneering his only fcience! He will lavifh away his hereditary patrimony, in the fond hope that he may, one day, walk upon the ruins of his own property, to the management of the ruined finances of his country. The most remarkable for want of every kind, for want of fortune, of morals, and of ability; and, in fhort, the venal of all denominations, by a fimilarity of manners, he will attract about him: one boxes his way to preferment, a fecond eats his way, a third games; fome drink, this contracts, that jobbs. one intrigues, and the other votes; and together they become the locufts that deyour all the good things of the land. High in the favour of thefe his clients and adherents, he will wait for fome gloomy time of difficulty and danger, when a confpiracy is actually formed against the

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very being of the ftate, and will then fürround his infulted fovereign with all the minions of his train, to inform him, that the whole business of the nation fhall stand still, unless he is allowed to be the grand corruptor, and the prime fource of offices and honours. If the nation is threatened with a foreign invafion, a flood of mercenaries will pufillanimoufly be let in upon us; and fhould the legiflature, to prevent the like national difgrace for the future, think proper to arm the fons of liberty in the very cause of liberty itfelf, an auctioneer and a fifrmonger fhall command an unembodied regiment. Should he be able to continue the Polonius of ftate, ftill bustling about, still bufy, and ftill unperforming for forty years together, that long tract of time will be a dreary wafte, in which neither public nor pri vate virtue fhall be known; all worth and genius fhall be defpifed; honour fhall lie proftrate; we fhall hear of favours granted to none but a jobber of money, or a jobber of a borough; falutary bills thrown out for the purpofes of faction; promifes made and broken; mankind deluded by an adept in the fhallow arts of temporizing and diffembling; and in the end, a confumptive treafury, ways and means exhaufted, ruinous alliances, pri vate luxury, and public want, fhall be the only memorials of his exiftence. Yet his infatiate adherents will murmur at the decay of that power which upheld them, and confidently boaft of the fortune he has spent in the fervice of his country.* But this mighty parade, when it comes before an Auditor, will stand as in the account annexed, with which I fhall difmifs this character.

The conftitution to ****** D—r. To railing mobs in the worst of times

To a roafted Pope when the church was in no danger

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To a burnt ditto on the 1ft of April To ditto at fundry times

L. 70,000

Opposition to government, efpecially if attended with a boldness of elocution, with fpirited invective, and a strong fingularity of phrafe, will be ever grateful to the people. The candidate for the favour of the Mob will therefore lift under the antiminifterial banner; he will frequent the haunts of the difaffected, and attend the tea and scandal of an old woman, till he has received a legacy for the wages of his zeal. He will thunder out, that Hanoverian troops upon a British eftablishment fhould never be tolerated; and if the minifter comes up to his price, he will then collufively agree, that the Emprefs-Queen fhall take them into her pay, and that a proportionate addition fhall be made to her fubfidy. He will then revile his former friends as difaffected; and if he ever thould force himself into power, he will declare himself proud of the friendship of those very men, who a little before were traitors to their king and country. To ingratiate himself with a fugar-baker, an attorney, and a bookfelier, who call themselves the commoncouncil, and the people of England, he will prefer an alderman's gown to the robes of the firft duke in the land. After having most virulently declaimed against continental measures, he will fend annually half the money of his country into Germany; will pay a fum, that speaks its own enormity, to a foreign prince for defending himself; and if America be subdued, he will ftrew laurels on the tomb of the brave general, who perished in the midst of triumph, and with the fame breath blaft them all, by afferting that America was conquered in Germany.* will fquander an immoderate part of the revenue in fruitless defcents, and idle expeditions, to make a rejoicing-night for

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[N————le], it is faid, will this day resign` all 400 his high employments, and to-morrow retire to 900 his country-feat, after having ferved his fovereign 10,000 and the public with inviolable fidelity and inte 3,000 grity, through a long feries of years, and with a difinterestedness unparallelied, having expended near 500,cool. of his fortune, and nobly refp fed a pension of 6000 l. per ann.]

40,000

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70,000

To bribery at elections

To my French wines

To the colls of executions in my house

50,000

3,700

[London, Nov. 14. 1761. It is faid, that 170,000 a Rt Hon. Gentleman, in an eloquent speech 142,000 made yesterday before a most auguit affembly, obferved, in favour of continental connections, that our great fucceffes in America had been owing to the diverfion made in Europe; or, to ufe his own emphatical words, that America had been conquered in Germany. This fpeech pro duced fome warm debates, Edinb.papers.]

L. 560,000 [In the London papers of May 25. appeared the following article. A certain Noble Duke

July 1762.

A view of the prefent political difputes.

his patrons the mob. He will, by promifes of reward, encourage an ordinary fubject to plan an expedition against a valuable fettlement of the enemy, and even to imbark his little all in the undertaking; and when the business is done, that himself may have the entire glory of the project, he will deny the whole tranfaction, and statid confuted by a letter under his own hand. Dark, involved, and fpeciously covering himself, he will be an acculer of others; profelling moderation, and acknowledging weak efforts to ferve the public, he will infift that he alone inult guide, and then perhaps will retire with a pension and a peerage. Impatient of an equal, he will reluctantly endure fuperiority where the conftitution has placed it; his republican fpirit, however artfully restrained, will frequently break out; if a day occurs, on which all honeft fubjects are filled with exultation, he will fullenly retire from the general joy, nor will he ever fhew himself abroad, unless the little tools of his faction are placed at proper ftations to roar and bawl, and throw up their hats, when he paffes through the croud; moft Stoic like, he can then fimile in agony, and with a kind of treasonable popularity will endeavour to withdraw the public affection from the natural inheritor of it! Should that project mifs its aim, and not obtrude him into power again, he will then wait, like Sufex-men of old, (I hope there is no fuch man in Suflex now), in hopes of a fhipwreck, that he may feize the plunder of the whole.

The AUDITOR, No 3. in which we expected, according to promile, the character of a Favourite of the King, contains no fuch matter; but after fome ftrictures on national prejudice, concludes with the toilowing paragraph.

To all the pleafantry arifing from the Itch, the Tweed, and the Earl of Mar, I have nothing to oppose but a few ftubborn facts. I can only urge, that the executive part of government is lodged in the crown, together with a fiduciary power from the laws to make war or peace, and to name the statesmen who fhall form the cabinet council; that the prefent minifter is appointed by his Majefty, and that he poffeffes property enough to put him above temptation, and morals to refift it; that he has affiduity to make him a mafter of bufinefs, and ability to execute it; that the two other

355 gentlement who have gone into the department of the treasury with him, are allowed to be loyal fubjects, honeft Englifhmen, and refpectable for their talents and integrity; that the first lord commilioner of the admiralty is the fame nobleman who has already served his country, by his knowledge of our commercial interefts; who was laft winter the delight of a neighbouring kingdom, and, in the important office which he now fills, is highly acceptable to all the trading part of the nation.

The MONITOR of June 26. contains a review of the state of public affairs at the treaty of Utrecht, and several infinuations, that the prefent ministry will, like that of the last three years of Q Anne, give up the advantages of a fuccessful war, by a dishonourable peace..

The NORTH BRITON, No 4. contains an ironical defence of the Scots, from feveral popular charges which have been lately brought against them. As their adverlaries have been hard pushed, they have charged them with being poor, though this is a crime which is always its own punishment. The North Briton defends them in the following manner,

In our difputes with the English, there hath always been one subject, namely, our poverty, with which they have libe rally and falfely reproached us. If truth and reason can be attended to, amidft clamour and prejudice, we might produce numberleis inftances how improperly wo are charged in this respect. I shall mention only two. When Lord Darnley was married to Mary Queen of Seots, he applied to the city of Edinburgh for a loan; and we can make it appear, by unqueflionable authority, however incredible it may feem to our English readers, that the city of Edinburgh alone did agree to advance, and did actually raise for his uie, even at that time, the entire sum of twenty pounds; and at this day it is a known truth, that the kingdom of Scotland alone pays to the public very near half as much as the whole county of York. If these instances are not thought fufficient to remove the objection, we will at least promite our good friends the English to remove it at their coft; and we hope in a fhort time to give them more reason to complain of our being rich, than ever they had to reproach us with our being poor,

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The BRITON, N° 5. contains a letter to the author in defence of N° 3. against the Monitor of July 19. Who (fays the letter-writer) is this mirror of decorum, Overflowing with the milk of human kindnefs, who takes offence at your hinting any imperfections in the character of the late K-g, and at your condemning a German war, which hath lavished away our best blood, and added at least thirty millions to the national debt? Pray, mark; it is the worthy Monitor; he who, but the other day, ventured to diffuse the bafeft infinuations against the character of his living f-n. He, good man, could not bear to be put in mind of a late monarch's prejudices and predilection, against which his patron had fo many years declaimed, which all Europe faw, all England felt, and every honeft Briton lamented; but he has dared, for the worst purposes of faction, to plant unfounded jealoufies around the th-e, to fcatter implied calumnies even upon the character of his p-ce; to depretiate him in -the eyes of his people, by implied favouritifm; by taxing him with puerile attachments, and weaknesses which had no existence, but in his own vicious invention. This egregious moralist, fo delisate with refpect to the memory of the late K-g, is, or pretends to be, the implicit admirer of the man, who, even in the face of the fenate, on fundry occafions, prefumed to ftigmatize the conduct and perfon of that pr-ce, then his fovereign, with fuch abufive epithets, that the hear ers were ftruck with astonishment, and the K-g himself was fo incenfed at the unmannerly freedoms he had taken, that all the fervility of his m-1 compliance, when he afterwards forced himself into the c-b-t, could not overcome the difguft he had occafioned by his former virulence.

The writer observes also, that although the death of the Czarina was a favourable incident, it was the British ministry who first made use of that favourable incident, to propofe, mediate, promote, and haften the accommodation: And that though an attempt has been made to rob the ministry of the honour of taking Mar. tinico, by aflerting, that it was a project of Mr P-; yet it should be remembered, that though he did indeed send an armament to make a cefcent upon Martinico, yet it was fo injudiciously contrived, as to be found inadequate to the purpose. The honour due to the prefent my arises,

not from their inventing the plan, which required no conjuration, but from proportioning the means to the defired fuccefs; from equipping the armament with vigour and expedition, and fending it out at a proper season, under the conduct of officers of approved ability.

The PATRIOT, N° 1. June 19. contains much invective against the writers in favour of the new miniftry, whom he calls wretches and Scoundrels; and much vociferation to prove the expediency of ftirring up animofities and jealoufies between one part of the nation and ano. ther, at a time when we can be fupported against our enemies only by unanimity.

N° 2. contains an apology for Mr P's penfion, and an encomium upon the city of London for the compliments they paid him. It contains alfo fome ftrictures on the Auditor, who, he fays, rushes through thick and thin to light up the name of his countryman at the mangled ashes of P-and N

What kind of things mangled afbes are, perhaps in fome future paper he may condefcend to tell us. The last paragraph of his paper is fo remarkable, and fo expreffive of his difpofition, that it would be injurious to suppress it.

I fhall now take my leave of the town till next Saturday, with the following fentiments of a very learned and fenfible man, who, speaking of a certain injured perfonage, has often faid, "That if he had marched with a British army to the gates of Paris, he fhould ftill have esteem. ed destroying Scotfmen, in cold blood, as the nobleft and most honourable exploit of his whole life.”

The Patriot, however, left we should be betrayed into a notion that he wants humanity, takes occafion to reprove the Auditor for hanging out misfortunes to public fcorn," by infinuating that the North Briton looks two ways at once.

On the 26th of June, another new paper made its appearance, under the title of the OCCASIONAL WRITER..

The author of this paper obferves, that he who undertakes to address the public, at fhort and regular periods, upon the ftate of national affairs, and the conduct of an adminiftration, must frequently find himself under the difagreeable neceffity of writing an effay without a theme: but that there are fituations in which the public may be addrefied to advantage.

That as the prefent criiis. offers fome

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