June 1762. A view of the prefent political difputes. I was led to this reflection by perufing the laft Monitor; a paper fo devoid of all merit in the execution, that the author, conscious of his own unimportance and incapacity, feems to have had recourfe, in defpair, to the only expedient which he thought would give him any chance of engaging the attention of the public; to infinuation against the th-ne, and abufe on the my. He has undertaken the vileft work of the worst incendiary: he has scattered his fire arrows with a rafl and defperate hand; he has not on ly directed them against a my without blame, but even dared to aim them at the bofom of a fovereign that never knew difhonour. The motto he has chofen by way of text, is a quotation from Tacitus, imply ing, that Sejanus, by various arts, gain ed fuch ascendency over the mind of Tiberius, as rendered that prince dark and referved to all others, but undisguised and uncautious to him alone. The motto ferves not only as a text to be defcanted upon by this candid Monitor, but as the hand on fcandal's dial, to point out the real objects of his obloquy and abuse: for every reader knows, that Sejanus was the moft wicked minifter of one of the most execrable tyrants that ever disturbed the peace of mankind; and every reader of common penetration must know, that if the Monitor had any meaning at all, it must have been to infinuate, that there was fome resemblance between Tiberius and the rg p-e, between Sejanus and the prefent mr. But is it poffible that any man fhould be fo abandoned to all fenfe of honour, and of shame, as to bint a comparison fo void of all propriety, fo injurious to virtue, and fo fcanda loufly oppofite to truth? Can this political firebrand produce one instance of infolence, cruelty, profligacy, or oppreflion, chargeable on the King of G. B-n? can he discover one circumftance that arraigns his prudence? can he fix the leaft imputation on his morals? If be has prefumed to lift his irreverent pen, in order to blacken the conduct of his fovereign, it is not to be wondered at, that he fhould pour forth the fouleft ftream of his calumny to difguife and defile the character of his fervants. Having in this candid eflay premifed, that it is danger ous for a prince to have a favourite, he proceeds to defcribe what he calls the fa 287 vourite of a crowned head; and in this defcription, unites all the bad qualities that can be conceived to center in the breast of one man. In any court of judicature, a general charge, unfupported by evidence, is anfwered and refuted by a general negation. Even where there is a fufpicion of guilt, unlefs that guilt is made manifeft by circumftantial proof, the culprit is of courfe acquitted. Shall the privilege granted to the meaneft fubject be refused to the prince? Is there one circumstance adduced to render it probable, that any individual has crept into his favour by the vile arts of flattery and vicious complaifance; or to prove, that any favourite has maintained his influence, by discouraging patriotifm, rejecting merit, planting the throne with spies, excluding truth from the royal ear, and facrificing the good of the public to his own private advantage? If, on the contrary, the perfon defamed by implication, under the odious title of favourite, be a nobleman of unblemished integrity, who at tached himself to his fovereign in his ten der years, who helped to form his young mind to virtue, who infufed into his heart the principles of a patriot king, directing him to pursuits which were truly royal; if he has ever fcorned, and taught his prince to fcorn the vile arts of a fycophant; if, in the execution of his office, he hath ever avoided the least appearance of ufurpation, and stood forth among the other fervants of the crown, the open, fteady, honeft counsellor of his fovereign, undisturbed by prejudice, undifmayed by clamour: what character must the Monitor maintain in the opinion of all good men? The character of a defperate incendiary, perhaps the partifan and tool of difappointed ambition, endeavouring to depretiate one of the best princes that ever reigned, to defame one of the moft upright minifters that ever lived; to imbroil a virtuous prince with an affectionate people; to clog the wheels of government at a juncture which is truly critical; and, finally, to ruin that commonwealth which it could not rule. From the NORTH BRITON, No 1. June 5. "obe. THE BRITON, fays this writer, steps forth like the other court-champion Dymocke, to a dreadful fight without an adverfary; to receive, like him, I fup 092 pose fay," with fuch vigour and fuccefs as, one would think, might filence the most inveterate malice." Name what fuccefs, the time when, the place where. For months the fpirit of the war has languifhed, and it is notorious that it is not yet revived. This author gives himself out for a Briton,; I thank my ftars I am a North Bri ton; with this almost fingular circumftance belonging to me, that I am unpla proach will foon be wiped away, and that I fhall no longer be pointed at by my fneering countrymen. Pofe, the reward of a well-fought day. Safe, and of confequence, bold, as Dymocke, he has no enemy but himself to combat. No attack has been made on the crown; none but himself has" dared to aim any fire-arrows at the bofom of a fovereign that never knew dishonour." He has, for the first time, mentioned a refemblance between the r-g prince and Tiberius, which I believe has never occurred to any one elfe. The Monitor has indeed charged the cannon, but the Bri-ced and unpenfioned; but I hope this reton has pointed it against his fovereign. He pretends to have discovered this in the Monitor of May 22. I have read that Monitor very carefully, and I affirm that there is no mention of Tiberius through the whole of that paper, excepting only in the motto from Tacitus, nor is any fuch character drawn. Count Bruhl's indeed is, and by the hand of a mafter: He is compared, but by the motto only, to Sejanus: the comparison need not extend farther. A m-r may in all points refemble Sejanus or Count Bruhl, and yet his royal mafter need not be a Tiberius, or an Auguftus III. The fovereign may be a Trajan or a Titus, the delight of mankind; and his only fault, in his people's eyes, may be an unbounded confidence in an infolent, weak, and futile minifter. 66 This foolish Briton calls upon the Monitor to produce one inftance of infolence, cruelty, profligacy, or oppreffion, chargeable on the King of G. Bn; or to exhibit one fpecimen of his weakness and tyranny." Is not this a clever plot to hang the poor Monitor Do, commit treason: Pray, be taken up by Carring ton, and tried by- His regard to the liberty of the fubject is known, and his tender mercies will not be cruelty. But the Monitor, I truft, has more wit, and will proceed in the way he has hitherto walked, and adminifter wholefome fatire where it is merited, instead of that naufeous and fulfome panegyric, with which the Briton makes us fick. I fhall now, till next Saturday, take leave of this writer, with a few excellent: lines I lately read in Sir William Temple. "Thus much is certain, that whatever means will restore or raife the credit of his Majefty's government at home, will do it abroad too: for a King of England, at the head of his parliament and people, and in their hearts and interefts," as his My now is, and from his virtues ever muft be, "can never fail of making what figure he pleases in the world, nor of be ing fafe and eafy at home; and may defpife all the defigns of factious men, who can only make themselves confiderable by feeming to be in the intereft of the nation, when the court feems to be out of it. But, in running on counfels contrary to the general humour and spirit of the people, the King indeed may make his minifters great fubjects, but they can never make him a great prince." The portrait of his prefent Majesty. WWE have now a King, who is not only born a BRITON, and rejoices in the name, but hath also been educated under the care of one, most eminently distinguifhed and admired for every virtue and grace that becomes the mother of a Bri tifh monarch. > This, added to the learning, zeal, and abilities of thofe great perfons who were judiciously appointed to the cultivation of his infant mind, thus formed, prompted, and inftructed, by nature, genius, and example, no wonder that we saw him come forth like gold from the refiner's pot-pure and without alloy. In his first fpeech from the throne, we faw the dignity of a king, with a patriot's fire. He declared himself an ene my to vice and immorality; and more than once we have feen his wards verifi June1762 A view of the prefent political difputes. He fought for domeftic happiness in the most amiable of wives; a state alone wherein true pleasure is to be found: and in this instance he has not only mani fested his affection for his people, by thus ftrengthening the perpetuity of the Pro teftant fucceffion, but hath given a fevere check to celibacy, that moft pernicious and fashionable evil, the bane of health; the canker-worm of society.. Mercy, the grand attribute of the eternal Deity, and the boafted virtue of our late gracious fovereign, has been am ply extended in the prefent reign beyond former example; and there remains only one further dispensation of royal clemency towards the unhappy to make the work complete. His fortitude and integrity as a king, has been amply manifefted by a steady and inviolable adherence to the treaties and engagements of his predeceffor, however in prudent, or impolitically made; and the steps taking in fettling new ones, for the establishment of peace throughout Europe is a fignal proof of his humanity, and of his paternal fenfations for his bur thened fubjects. His generofity and tenders of favours towards thote who have ferted the ftate, either with zeal or with fuccefs, however calumniated or unmerited, is a praise worthy mark of truly great and royal principles, becoming the exalted charac ter of a British king. His tafte for mufic and the polite arts, is an ornament to any prince, whole fub jects know how to diftinguish between virtuous and vicious pleasures. To which laft I challenge that patron of scandal and fedition, the Monitor, to produce one fingle inftance of his M-y's being addicted. His gratefully rewarding, and confiding in thote, whom mature reafon, founded on a series of facts and obfervations, has discovered worthy of high places; his conferring titles, penfions, and honours, on those gentlemen who have always.dif tinguished themselves as foremost in the lift of patriots and their country's fervice, in oppofition to all minifterial, unconftitutional measures, has been the means of happily extinguishing the feeble flame of party and difaffection; and, howsoever inifreprefented or mifapplied by artful and malicious inferences, is the greatest of compliments he could poffibly pay to the fenfe and judgment of the public; not 289 having (like some other princes) prostitu ted those titles to the emolument of his purfe.. It has been a general obfervation, how prudent, how steady, and hov virtuous (if I may be allowed that expreffion) his Majefty has ever been, even in his juve nile foibles or recreations. Doubtless he hath human pallions, and human frail ties: but it is a notorious truth, no prince hath better modelled and fubdued them to the laws of reafon and religion. All these great and good qualities, most certainly intitle him to our love and res verence; nor need we entertain the least doubt, but they will produce the most be neficial effects. I From the AUDITOR, No 1. June 10. Have lived, fays this writer, a mere Auditor in this world for feveral years paft; forming, it is true, a judgment within myself upon all I have heard, but as uncominunicative of my sentiments, as if I had no concern in any thing that has been doing. I have lived to ferve in two parliaments, and (pardon me, my con ftituents!) all I ever uttered there, was, Hear him!—Hear him and indeed I have heard ftrange things in all parts of the kingdom. I have heard a variety of po litical tenets, diametrically oppofite to each other, yet all, in their turns, re ceived and fupported by the leaders of the fame party; nay, by the very dictator himself, who made the civil creed for the year. In one winter- No continental measures-No German war-No Helian treaty. In the following year, The ba lance of power on the continent-The Hef fians must be dedunaged-America was conquered in Germany, were the fashions able maxims of policy. I have heard of the affairs of the nation converted into a private job; of ruinous contracts, infuthi cient accounts, want of ability in negotia tion, and timidity in war; of the illiterate, the unworthy, and the profligate, preferred to honeft merit: and while these things have been doing, I have heard the complaints of all degrees of men. Thefe, and many other incentives have at length determined the Auditor to tell the world what he hears; to exhibit the true character of the times, the real co lours of political good and evil; to admi nifter an antidote against the poifon of fedition, to applaud the measures of go rernment, when they are founded in po licy and wisdom, and to give timely notice, whenever it appears that our pilots are in danger of splitting upon fome unexpected rock; and thus to discharge the duty of a fubject, or, at least, to endeavour to discharge it. In our difquifitions, the malevolent are not to expect to be gratified with flander, the illiberal with fcurrility, or the inconfiderate with buffoonery. Ingredients like thefe, can have no admiffion into a paper which is undertaken up on principles laudable in themselves; which is intended to reconcile the minds of men to their own good, and to one at other; to refute, or laugh out of countenance, all party-diftinctions; to extinguilh national prejudices, and to recommend the fpirit of concord, which alone can make us a fuccefsful, and preferve us an happy people. In fhort, it is intended, in the conduct of this plan, to try whether it is not poffible to talk politics with temper, to delineate characters with decency, to treat of factions with good humour, and to love our country without hating individuals. Thole worthy gentlemen, my contemporary candidates for public attention, (fhould I be fo unhappy as to be opposed by their opinion), will, it is hoped, manage our little differences with that moderation and politenefs which are fo native to them. It will be their intereft to do this, left they fhould oblige us to call forth fome certain powers of ridicule, of which they are not aware at prefent; and alfo left they fhould, by too eagerly exalting fome cha racters, and depretiating others, provoke us to rescue truth out of their hands, and make them, in their turn, hear what they may not relish. The MONITOR of May 29. contains a defence of Seme Obfervations on the papers relative to the rupture with Spain 185.], in anfwer to An expofition of these Obfervations. In this paper it is afferted, that, with respect to the papers in queftion, there had been concealments, garblings, and mutilations; and though an offer was made by a Rt Hon. Gentleman, that "if any particular paper, neceflary to the vindi cation of certain perfons, fhould be fpecifically moved for, it fhould be given;" yet it was pofitively refused to produce ALL the papers relative to the fix years negotiation; and the offer itfelf was fallacious, because he who made it knew, that the late minister could not call, in a parliamentary way, for a fpecific paper which he had been before intrufted with by his fn, under the feal of fecrecy. It is pretended, that the concealed papers contain only three claims made by Spain, and that those claims are not relative to the war. Upon which the Monitor afks, Was not the intention of Spain fufficiently manifeft in those claims? Were they not declared by France to be the feed of a new war? Was it possible to make a good peace by granting those claims? Could we fecure ourselves from the bad confequence of them, but by a due exertion of our ftrength? He infers, that all the papers relative to thofe claims ought to have been produced, and that there is reafon to fufpect iniquitous intentions from the concealment; and that a juft and neceffary cause for an immediate rupture with Spain, exifted at the time of a certain resignation. The BRITON, N° 2. contains fome animadverfions upon the preceding Moni> tor. It has been proved, (he says), that all the material papers relative to the rupture with Spain, had been laid before the parlia ment, and that a Rt Hon. Gentleman, then declared, that if any other paper was thought neceffary, it should be produced, upon a motion for that purpose. As a full answer to the Monitor's attempt to evade the force of this fact, the Briton obferves, that a certain Noble Lord promised to apply to the crown for a difpenfation from the oath of fecrecy, with full liberty to Lord T-, or any other, to lay before the house all he knew concerning this fubject; that he twice repeated the offer, which the Monitor's patrons were wife enough to decline, notwithstanding they and he still cry out about garbling, mutilation, and concealment. As to the claims of Spain upon G. Britain, they had no relation to the prefent rupture with that crown; and if they had been thought an adequate provocation to war, why did Mr P-fo long refrain, as they were repeated during his whole adminiftation? why did he tamely acquiefce in the only tranfaction that could be deemed an infult on the part of Spain, the feizure and detention of the Antigallican privateer and her prize, which undoubtedly was a fhameful inftance of partiality in favour of our enemies? why did he condefcend to protract the negotiation upon the difputes already mentioned; to fuggeft June 1762. The answer of the general assembly to the King's letter. 29 faggeft reconciling memorials, and inftruct our ambaffador to deal mildly and gently in his remonftrances to the minifters of his Catholic Majefty? If the claims were fo injurious as to juftify an immediate rupture; why did he purfue this pacific plan, even after that ftep of the Spanish miniftry, against which he and his partisans have fo loudly declaimed as an additional affront, that never could be forgiven; I mean, the memorial prefented to him by M. de Buffy, in favour of the Spanish pretenfions? Because he knew, in his own heart, that the old claims had nothing in them of an inflammatory nature, and might have been easily adjusted by a friendly communication; because he was convinced that Spain had no hoftile intention in mingling her concerns with the negotiation for peace between G. Britain and France. [To be continued.] The answer of the general assembly to the King's letter, prefented by Mr Sec. Grenville. [275.] May it please your Majefty, WE received your Majefty's most gracious letter, with the respect and I gratitude that was due, for fo condefcending a mark of your royal favour. We esteem it as our greatest honour, that your Majefty's experience has confirmed your favourable difpofitions to wards us, and led you to repeat your fixt I refolution to fupport the church of Scot land, as by law established, in all its rights and privileges. The confidence your Majefty is pleafed to exprefs in the prudence of our conduct, and the hopes of obtaining an increate of your paternal affection, are ad ditional, and most engaging motives, to make us avoid all unneceslarv debates and contentions, and apply ourselves with temper and moderation, to promote the advancement of religion, and the fervice of Almighty God: And we thankfully acknowledge it as one of our greatest bleffings, and as the happieft prefage of fuccefs, that our endeavours in thele refpects are fure of your Majesty's ready concurrence and fupport. We liften with the most profound reverence to the call your Majefty is pleased to give us, to pay a particular attention to our religious duties in the prelent moment; and we count it our honour and happiness, to be ready to follow our king in fentiments so becoming the father of his people. The hand of God, fo pioufly traced by your Majesty in the wonderful fuccefs of these your kingdoms in war, will in due time, we trust, distinguish your reign by a bleffing more agreeable to the wishes of your royal heart, the enabling your Mas jefty to give a lafting peace to all your faithful fubjects. Warmed by your Majesty's most religious fentiments, we feel in our minds the deepest gratitude to Almighty God, for giving us a prince, whofe virtues mult intereft the care of Providence in behalf of his kingdoms; and encouraged by your great example, we will not fail to infuse into the minds of your people committed to our charge, fuch a zeal for the interefts of religion, and fuch a fpirit of piety and devotion, as may promote the great ends your Majefty has in view, the ren dering your people worthy of thofe favours the Almighty has already bestowed,. and may contribute to the continuance of them. We beg leave to express our humble thanks to your Majefty, for your attention to the propagation of Chriftian knowledge, and the principles of the Reformed religion, in the highlands and islands of Scotland, parts of your Majefty's dominions in which the interefts of religion and of government coincide in a particular manner. It is our duty and inclination at all times, to apply your Majefty's royal donations with the most pru dent care; but we think ourselves called upon at prefent to double our attention to an object that has fo much engaged your Majefty's zeal, and for which you have expreffed fo particular a concern. Lord Cathcart's lovalty, integrity, and zeal for your Majefty's fervice, is fo well known to us, and we have had fuch frequent experience of his abilities to difcharge the important trust which your Majesty has reposed in him, and are fo fully convinced of his particular affection to the church of Scotland, that we look on your Majesty's choice of him to reprefent your royal perfon in this affembly, as a moft obliging mark of your favour; for which we beg leave to make our most thankful acknowledgments to' your Majefty. Permit us to affure your Majesty, that, next to the favour of that God whom we ferve, your royal approbation, from affection no less than duty, is our conftant aim; and that we will proceed in the bu finets before us, with that charity, bro therly |