therwife. That the nation is in general well affected to the prefent royal family, is not to be denied; nor can it be refufed, that there are a great many Jacobites ftill remaining among us. The 8 or 10,000 profefled ones, who joined the fon of the pretender, were but a part of those who fecretly wifhed well to his caufe: many of them are still alive; and it scarce will be denied, that there itill are many, whom the lenity of the King and government has not had the influence altogether to convince. While this is our fituation, it must be the opinion of every man who is more than a diflembled friend to his king and conftitution, that nothing would be more abfurd in fpeculation, or dangerous in practice, than to establish a militia where fuch diftinction is not totally extinguished.

These are fome of my objections against a Scotch militia. Thanks to the wifdom of the British parliament, they have done better for us, than fome of us would have done by ourselves; and I fhall be extremely for ry, to find any of my countrymen foolish enough to push a meafure which, fooner or later, muft ruin our manufactures, hurt our conftitution, and endanger the liberties of the people. Jacobitifim, I am told, is on the decline: I hope it is; may it die more and more every day: but let it be once fairly dead, before we think of eftablishing a militia. Thus whatever may happen to our trade and manufactures, our conftitution will be fafe, which is the life and foul of the whole. Ed. C. Feb. 10.

To the publisher.

I am glad likewife, that this gentleman has taken the trouble of difplaying at large the happiness of our state, and the advantages which we derive from our connection with England. That happinefs and those advantages are inestimable; and furely there was no occasion to fwell the account, by articles which are ftipulated in the treaty of union, nor by the permillion which we enjoy of maintaining our poor as we think proper. As he was fo much in the humour of enumerating obligations, I fhould think, that the sparks of freedom and public fpirit which are emitted into this country, from the vigorousfire which burns in our neighbourhood, might have deserved a preference in the

account.

It is true, that the legislature of G. Britain have done much to promote manufactures. They have made laws, and given encouragements; our wealth has accordingly increased. And the gentleman might have added, that the fame legiflature have provided, by a national and conftitutional defence, for the prefervation of those advantages, at least in one part of the kingdom.

It will be recorded for the honour of a

British administration, and may stand as a monument of good intention, that at the clofe of the rebellion, a plan was laid, if not to reconcile the difaffected, at least to render them fond of domestic peace, by opening to them the fources of wealth. It was likewife part of this plan, as your writer obferves, to abolith inferior jurifdictions, and thereby remove the foundations of family-influence in Scotland. PerA Bout a month ago, you inferted a let-petual abuse was apprehended from the ter in your paper, to which I have lately feen an answer. From the attention to ftyle, which is difcovered in that anfwer, it may be fuppofed, that the writer has employed this interval in studying and correcting his own. He and his antagonist however may compare their styles as they think proper; but I do not fee why a question of fo much importance to this country hould be determined by the merits of either.

I am very glad that one of them at least has taken the part of comforting us, on the article of our supposed distress from the depopulated itate of our country: but I with that he and his partifans would fettle it among them!elves, and tell us for which of the two reasons we are to abandon the object of a militia; whether because we are depopulated, or because, as he pretends, we are not depopulated.

continuance of that influence here, but none at all from the influence of a minifter at London.

Here I would gladly paufe, and with that I could difguile the reft; for, falutary as this medicine appeared, it has brought its poisonous ingredients along with it: it is the very medicine by which princes in fome ftates of Europe have purged their feudal monarchies into defpotifm. Before this boasted law, its effects had been pointed out by M. Montesquieu: I hope, for the fake of human nature, that none of our politicians were learned enough to read or understand his writings. By this change every station and every office became dependent on the crown: and gentlemen who extol it fo much, have perhaps tafted the fweets of the reformation. We have known as much eloquence fold

for

3

Jan. 1762.

Arguments in favour of a Scots militia.

for less than a place, or the expectation of a place in this new arrangement. The fellers may still be many, but the buyers, we hope, at prefent are few.

The amiable and refpectable prince on the throne has no occafion to corrupt, in order to gain the hearts of his fubjects. His endearing declarations, in favour of the rights of his people, and the conftitution of his native country, his exprefs approbation of the measures which a free people had taken to preferve that conftitution, fhow us the foundation on which he has erected his throne; and, could any appearance of danger approach his perfon, I hope, that he would find a multitude, in every part of his dominions, ready to perifh for his preservation.

Under fuch a reign, I am furprised to hear the cry of Jacobitifm revived; and would be glad that I could continue to mother the fentiments which rife in my mind whilft I write this letter. The characters or perfons of men are of confequence in determining a question which interefts the public. I would therefore anfwer the argument of my opponent, without touching the character which is marked in his letter; and the rather fo now, because the part which he has affumed is not to be cenfured in the terms of any language that I chufe to make use of. The heart which is moved with indignation on the view of ordinary crimes, finks into melancholy reflections on human nature, when a person appears to calumniate his country, and fow the feeds of diftruft and averfion, where generofity and confidence had fixed fo deep a root.

I know, that, during a certain period, there was a faction, perhaps in England, as well as here, who made a trade of exaggerating and extending the charge of Jacobitifin. Their object was an excluSve title to court-favour; they gained by the jealousy and diftruft of government; ad the total extinction of Jacobitilm would have been as fatal to their pretenfons, as it would have been falutary to the rest of the nation. They fomented difaffection; and nothing could be a strong. er proof of the weakness of the difaffected party, than that fuch men were able to contend with it. I thought, however, that the race was extinct; or at least that the trade which they carried on, had fo much funk in its profits, that we should hear no more of it; and this may be really the cafe, although the writer of the letter in queftion ould continue to mistake the market,

15 Many who were in the late rebellion, he tells us, are still alive. They are fo; and our enemies know it; for many of them have carried arms for their King and country; they have carried them with fuccefs, and, I hope, with a real and a growing affection.

This writer is mighty fqueamish on the article of ftyle; he is mightily provoked by the warmth which he is pleafed to oppofe; he even complains that our nation is but too jealous of its honour. Has he taken the measure of his jealoufy from his own breast? or from the character of the Cappadocians, to whom he has fo learnedly compared his countrymen? If we deferve the epithets of mean and abject for defiring a militia, the people of England certainly deferve them no less for fubmitting to fuch an establishment; and the people of both countries, who wish to stem the torrent of avarice, selfishness, corruption, and effeminacy, which render men infenfible to objects of a public nature, are by this account, like the fervile people of old, who had fo far loft the fenfe of a public fpirit, and became fo unable for the duties, either of government or war, that they rejected the burden of a freedom, which they neither understood, nor knew how to defend.

These our Cappadocians however, according to the fame confiftent author, have learned from their parents, in their childhood, the martial atchievements of their anceftors and the martial spirit would in their breafts foon acquire a strength (ufficient to withdraw the heart and attention from the more neceffary labours of life: and this we may fuppofe he mentions, in order to terrify our neighbours the English, and deter them from granting our request, in case we cannot be reftrained from presenting it.

I repeat my wifh again, that this gentleman would fettle it with himself, and tell us, for which of the contradictory reafons he offers, we ought to withhold our application for a militia. Is it becaufe we are mean and abject? or because we are warlike, and would he fond of entering into the militia? or is it because our people in general would decline this fervice, and leave the duties of a militia to a few who followed the trade of fubftitutes? for this is the next argument, that he tacks to the former two. Has he obferved that this is the cafe in England? If he has, many of his boafted objections fall to the ground, and in the militia we all have a body of incn inlifted for life, from

C 2

Jan.1762. Difpute between the British and Dutch in the East Indies. i

battery of Charnoe, which lies over-against the fort, with orders to stop and vifit all veffels that fhould pafs: parties were also sent out, on both fides the river, to prevent any foreign troops from advancing by land.

In confequence of thefe orders, all Dutch veffels were brought to, and those without troops were suffered to pass. But one Zuydlands, an officer of the Dutch company, having refused to bring to and be vifited, he was detained prifoner fome hours, and then, with the veffel, difcharged by the Governor's order. Eighteen Buggoles were found concealed on board this veffel, who were also dismissed. Against thefe tranfactions, the Dutch factory at Chinfura remonstrated; and we replied, That we were authorised, as principals, by the custom and law of nations, to vifit all veffels going up the river, as they might introduce French troops into the country; and that, as auxiliaries to the Great Mogul, we were bound by treaty to join his viceroy in oppofing the introduction of any European troops into Bengal.

In the beginning of October the Nabob vifited the Governor at Bengal; and, during his stay, seven or eight other large Dutch veffels arrived, lower down the river, full of European foldiers and Buggofes; fome days afterwards they began to come up the river; and the Dutch, at the fame time, were very bufy inlifting men of all forts at Chinfura, Caffembuzar, and Patna.

Our Governor then ordered the Calcutta, the Duke of Dorfet, and the Hardwick, the only veflels in the river, to come before the town; he reinforced Tatna and Charnoe, and mounted heavy artillery there, and on the faces of the new fort which commands the river; and the militia were put under arms.

The Dutch, as foon as they thought themselves in a condition to act, remonftrated again; and threatened to make reprifals, if we perfifted to vifit their fhips, and prevent their troops from coing up the river. We anfwered, that we had infringed none of their privileges; but that it was the Nabob's bufinefs to judge what was fit to be done with refpect to their introducing troops into Bengal; that it was under the flag of the Mogul, and by his troops, that their vefEls had been vifited, and the troops prevented from coming up; and that there fore they were to apply to his viceroy, we

being ready to interpofe our good offices.

Upon this, the Dutch commenced ho ftilities lower down the river, by firing ball on our veffels, feizing several of them, pulling down our colours, and taking our people prifoners. They began alfo hoftilities on land, by taking down our colours at Fulta and Reapou, and burning the houses and effects of the company's tenants.

Gov. Clive acquainted the Nabob with thele proceedings; adding, that as it was against us the Dutch had commenced war, he ought to confider the quarrel as fubfifting only between them and us.

Every thing was now got ready for action, and the first blow ftruck against the Dutch was the taking poffeffion of Barnagore.

The Dutch veffels, in the mean time, advanced with their captures and prifoners; and our three veffels that followed them, had orders to pafs them, and take poft above the batteries; where every measure to destroy the Dutch fhips, if they fhould venture to pafs, was taken: but the Dutch commandant threatened the vessels, that, if they passed, he would fire into them.

On the 21ft of November, the Dutch debarked 700 Europeans and 800 Buggofes.

On the 24th, reftitution of our veffels was demanded, and refused; upon which we attacked their fleet, and entirely defeated it. The fame day, the Dutch attacked Col. Ford on fhore, and were there alfo repulfed with lofs.

The next day, the 25th, the Dutch and English forces came to a general action on thore; and the action being decifive in our favour, the Dutch prayed a ceffation of hoftilities, and propofed terms of accommodation. A treaty was entered into, and things brought to a speedy and amicable iffue. They difowned the proceedings of their fhips down the river, owned themselves the aggreffors, and agreed to pay cofts and damages; upon which the veffels we had taken were reftored.

Three days afterwards, the young Nabob came down with 7000 horfe; upon which the Dutch, in great terror, requefted Gov. Clive to intercede for them, which he did; and the Nabob pardoned them upon the following conditions, to which they agreed:

1. Never to make war in the country. 2. Nor introduce, nor inlift troops, nor build forts there. 3. Nor