opinion and sentiment, as it existed in the mothercountry, was heightened in the colonies by the fact that those who emigrated were not of the average, but of the extremes of the two parties. The Puritans who went forth were of the straitest sect of their persuasion. There was nothing in the days of our Civil War, or Commonwealth, to be compared with the stern and cruel fanaticism of the early records of New England. On the other hand, the majority of those who embarked for the South were of the loosest members of the other faction. Neither the moderate Puritans, nor the prudent members of the opposite party, had any special call, desire, or necessity, to expatriate themselves.

It happened, too, that the accidental choice of positions in the New World contributed not only to maintain, but even to increase, the original diversity. The climate and productions of the two regions of the continent are so different, that had all the settlers been from one class, there would have arisen in time a marked difference of sentiment. Throughout all history, difference of latitude has been accompanied by difference of temperament, and has formed the natural cause of the division of men into families-into races, the limits of which are the true boundaries of political geography. In this instance, the severe climate, and rugged features of the New England States, were calculated to strengthen those qualities of industry, perseverance, contempt for hardship, and

energy of will, so marked in the original stock. Its numerous harbours, and the length of coast line, as compared with its surface, drew them to maritime pursuits, whilst a rocky soil afforded no time for idleness, nor products for luxury. Thus, every element conduced to strengthen the original features of masculine character.

In the South, on the other hand, a warm semitropical climate, an unbounded expanse of fertile soil, and a coast for the most part shallow and devoid of harbours, developed characteristics exactly the reverse-in a proneness rather to luxury than to labour, a marked disinclination to nautical pursuits, and eventually in a system of slavery, which has added a moral antagonism to other distinctions. Thus all circumstances have combined to widen the original divergence-to render the Roundhead more democratic, and the Cavalier more aristocratic; and whilst in the mother-country both classes were insensibly tempered by the influence each of the other, by the mutual reaction resulting from the intercommunications of daily life-they were here placed widely apart, to grow up each, exclusively, in its own image and likeness.

There is a consideration which renders this contrast of character of infinite political importance. Did it exist within the ordinary limits of a kingdom, its effect would simply be to produce different classes, such as commonly exist in all countries. But in the United States we have not

a country, in the usual sense of the term. They cover the space of a continent. The slave-owning States themselves are thirty times the size of the kingdom of Scotland. It has been remarked by an acute observer, that wherever divisions of a population occupy regions of vast extent, they cease to be political parties or classes of one community, and really exist in the condition of distinct communities or nations. Parties in a kingdom are composed of men who, differing on some point of opinion, are still in all essentials alike. Whig or Tory, Orleanist or Legitimist, may change his opinion of his free will, and at once the distinction disappears. It is accidental, not organic.

But when these distinctions are geographical, and that, not as applying the term to a district, but to regions of the size of great empires, and embracing a wide range of latitude, they become organic-incapable of change at will, as matter of opinion-indelible results of birth and association. The Southerners have usually been in the closest alliance with the democracy of the North, and, in a restricted sense, they were of the same party. With different objects, and looking from an opposite point of view, they agreed on a common line of action. But they were simply allies, fighting under one flag for a given object-agreeing upon that point, but widely differing on others. In order to master the difficulties of American politics, it will be very important to realise the fact, that we have to consider, not the action of rival parties

or opposing interests, within the limits of one body politic, but practically that of two distinct communities or peoples, speaking indeed a common language, and united by a Federal bond, but opposed in principles and interests, alienated in feeling, and jealous rivals in the pursuit of political power.

The Union originally consisted of thirteen small and weak societies. This has merged into two great and jealous confronting powers. A principle of elective affinity has resolved the several elements into two bodies, within themselves homogeneous and cohesive, each repellant towards the other. The Constitution is the same, but the condition to which it was adapted is entirely changed; and the machinery, ably contrived to suit the old state of affairs, is quite inapplicable now. Originally no State could be deemed the especial rival of another, nor was there any question of the supremacy of one over the rest. But when two powers are face to face, the question of supremacy must arise, and arise without an umpire. It is not in the nature of things that they should be precisely equal, and they cannot remain in political union, except on the condition that one be

subordinate to the other.

Up to the present period the Southern interest has been paramount. Virginia, the "old dominion," was originally, in all respects, the leading State. In wealth, in birth, in extent, in the value of their products, on all these points the

Southerners had the advantage. In political ability their superiority was still more striking. They supplied the statesmen of the Union, and Virginia acquired the title of Mother of Presidents. The capital of the country was placed upon their soil; the father of the country sleeps in it. And not only was this the condition of affairs at the period of the framing of the Constitution, but, so far as expectation could reach into the future, the superiority of the South was likely to be fully maintained, or even to increase. Their territories beyond the Alleghanies, the vast regions in the West appertaining to Virginia and Georgia, coupled with the greater value of their productions, afforded the prospect of growth and wealth in the future to an extent beyond any promise of the Northern States. In their position as slave-owners there was nothing to awaken alarm, for that system, though greatly more prevalent in the South, as the natural result of its climate, was still common to the whole country, and but one of the thirteen States, Massachusetts, was entirely free. None anticipated the great disruptive force that now convulses the country; it was unknown, and unforeseen. A Southern State first moved in the formation of the present Constitution; and those States, when they acceded to it, not only enjoyed the supremacy which naturally attached to their position, but were safe, to all appearance, from the reach of any influence that could undermine it.