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this, there is still in the North a large amount of sincere and rational objection to it, entirely apart from those who turn the principle into a trade, or the politicians who use it as a tool of party.

But the Southerners are well aware of all this. The agitation of the question has no shock of novelty, it has existed for half a century, and has frequently been more violent than at any period of the past year. They are well aware of the considerable proportion of make-believe in American professions. They had ample evidence of the intended policy of the republican party, and of the government now under its control. It is the practice in the United States for each party, before the presidential elections, to issue a manifesto declaring its principles, popularly known as its "platform.” The republican platform was adopted at Chicago in 1860. Its fourth article runs thus: "The maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment, exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends." The "domestic institution" referred to in this clause, of course, is slavery. Here is the manifesto of the Northern power, now supreme, which plainly declares that slavery, under the control and according to the judgment of each State containing it, shall be "maintained inviolate."

On the accession of Mr. Lincoln, his inaugural address affords an exposition of the policy of the new government. It contains these words: "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists; I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with a full knowledge that I had made this, and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read." This is followed by the clause from the Chicago declaration already quoted, and he continues: "I now reiterate those sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming administration." Mr. Lincoln then proceeds to recite the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and remarks: "It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution, to this provision as much as any other." In a further passage he proceeds: "I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution, which amendment

however I have not seen, has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose so far as to say, that holding such a provision as now implied to be constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable."

This addition has since been made to the Constitution. It was passed by Congress on the 3rd March last, and runs thus: "That no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize, or give Congress power to abolish, or interfere within any State with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labour or servitude by the laws of said State." It is therefore now part of the Constitution and bond of Union of the United States, that its government has no power, and never shall take power, to interfere with slavery in any of the States. It was indeed entered on the journals of Congress soon after the formation of the present Union : "That Congress have no authority to interfere with the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them in any of the States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require." This entry might have been rescinded, but now a clause of the Constitution, supreme above the powers of Congress, ordains

that slavery, so far as federal legislation or government extend, is irrevocable in the United States.

Thus we have the most indisputable evidence that slavery in the States is not to be interfered with in the future; we have that of the political manifesto of the North-that of the address of the President they have elected-that of Congress passing an amendment to the Constitution, declaring it for ever beyond its reach. Strange, that in the face of all this, there should be those who can bring themselves to believe that the abolition of slavery is the real object of this conflict. But if it be so clear that slavery is not really at issue, how comes it to be so identified with the contest? We have already seen that the question of its extension into the territories has formed a great element in the strife, in no respect as a question of moral principle, but solely as one of political power. Beyond this, it has contributed to the rupture in a very high degree, not indeed upon any consideration of material interests, but as a source of rancorous enmity of feeling, embittered by the intemperate language and irritating agitation of the Abolitionists.

We may know a possession to be safe under protection of the law, but if our title to it be attacked year after year, our right denounced, and our principles reviled, at last, although reason may not be alarmed, patience will become exhausted, and temper aroused. The attack may not

be formidable in power, but intolerable in its nature, until at last the desire to be rid of it becomes irresistible. In order to estimate the strength of this feeling, we must consider what are the views of the Southerner upon this subject, and in what manner they are attacked. To judge correctly, and appreciate the feelings of the people of the South, it is essential to divest ourselves of our own opinions, and to conceive that we occupy their position and see with their eyes.

All know that in every country labour is the groundwork of society, to imperil which is to imperil existence. The nature of the climate in the South caused this labour to be that of the negro, and we, for our own advantage, planted the system in the country. There are those who hold at the present day that cotton could be grown as well by white men. In a partial sense, this is true; in a general one, quite fallacious. In the uplands of the Atlantic States, and on the elevated lands of Tennessee and Texas, it is quite possible, and indeed now in practice. But the quantity these districts produce is insignificant in reference to the whole crop. The soil, so admirably adapted for the growth of cotton, and which none other in the world appears to equal, is the "bottom land," the alluvium, along the course of the rivers of all the most baneful to the white race. The heat of the cotton States in summer is as intense as that of the West Indies, and more exhausting in its effects, for there it is tempered by the humidity of the

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