America should be released free and unengaged from any treaties with foreign powers, which may tend to embarrass or defeat the present proposed negotiation.

That a general treaty for negotiation shall be set on foot as soon as may be after the agreement of the foregoing preliminaries.

N. B. A doubt seeming to arise from Lord North relative to the probability of any explanatory communication on the part of Dr. Franklin, Mr. Hartley expressed he thought it possible that, as a known friend to peace, he might be considered by Dr. Franklin as a depôt of any communications which may serve from time to time to facilitate the terms of peace which therefore prevents this communication being considered as any direct overture from Lord North to Dr. Franklin, or from Dr. Franklin to Lord North, but as it is, merely a mediatorial proposition of Mr. Hartley as a private person, for the purpose of bringing the parties to a parley.

DEAR SIR,

TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M.P.

Passy, May 4, 1779. I need not repeat what we have each of us so often repeated, the wish for peace. I will begin by frankly assuring you, that though I think a direct, immediate peace, the best mode of present accomodation for Britain as well as for America, yet if that is not at this time practicable, and a truce is practicable, I should not be against a truce; but this is merely on motives of general humanity, to obviate the evils men devilishly inflict on men in time of war, and to lessen as much as possible the similarity of earth and hell. For with regard to particular advantages respecting the states I am connected with, I am

persuaded it is theirs to continue the war, till England shall be reduced to that perfect impotence of mischief, which alone can prevail with her to let other nations enjoy "peace, liberty, and safety." I think, however, that a short truce, which must therefore be an armed truce, and put all parties to an almost equal expense with a continued war, is by no means desirable.

But this proposition of a truce, if made at all, should be made to France at the same time it is made to America. They have each of them too much honor as well as too much sense, to listen separately to any propositions which tend to separate them from each other.

I will now give you my thoughts on your ideas of a negotiation in the order you have placed them. If you will number them in your copy, you will readily see to which my observations refer, and I may therefore be more concise.

To the first. I do not see the necessity or use of five commissioners. A number of talkers lengthen discussions, and often embarrass instead of aiding a settlement. Their different particular views, private interests and jealousies of each other, are likewise so many rubs in the way; and it sometimes happens that a number cannot agree to what each privately thinks reasonable, and would have agreed to, or perhaps proposed if alone. But this as the parties please.

To the second. The term of 21 years would be. better for all sides. The suspension of hostilities should be expressed to be between all parties at war. And that the British troops and ships of war now in any of the United States be withdrawn.

To the third. This seems needless, and is a thing

that may be done or omitted as you please. America has no concern about those acts of parliament.

To the fourth. The reason of proposing this is not understood, nor the use of it, nor what inducement there can be for us to agree to it. When you come to treat with both your enemies, you may negotiate away as much of these engagements as you can; but powers who have made a firm solid league, evidently useful to both, can never be prevailed with to dissolve it, for the vague expectation of another in nubibus; nor even on the certainty that another will be proposed, without knowing what are to be its articles. America has no desire of being free from her engagements to France. The chief is that of continuing the war in conjunction with her, and not making a separate peace: and this is an obligation not in the power of America to dissolve, being an. obligation of gratitude and justice towards a nation which is engaged in a war on her account, and for her protection, and would be for ever binding, whether such an article existed or not in the treaty, and though it did not exist, an honest American would cut off his right hand rather than sign an agreement with England contrary to the spirit of it.

To the fifth. As soon as you please.

If you had mentioned France in your proposed suspension of arms, I should immediately have shown it to the minister, and have endeavored to support that idea. As it stands, I am in doubt whether I shall communicate your paper or not, though by your writing it so fair, it seems as if you intended it. If I do, I shall acquaint you with the result.

The bill of which you send me a copy, was an excellent one at the time, and might have had great

and good effects, if, instead of telling us haughtily that our humble petition should receive no answer, the ministry had received and enacted that bill into a law. It might have erected a wall of brass round England, if such a measure had been adopted when Friar Bacon's brazen head cried out TIME IS! But the wisdom of it was not seen till after the fatal cry of TIME'S PAST! I am, my dear friend, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, AT HAVRE DE

DEAR SIR,

GRACE.

Passy, August 19, 1779. You ask my opinion what conduct the English will probably hold on this occasion,* and whether they will not rather propose a negotiation for a peace? I have but one rule to go by in judging of those people, which is, that whatever is prudent for them to do they will omit, and what is most imprudent to be done, they will do it. This, like other general rules, may sometimes have its exceptions; but I think it will hold good for the most part, at least while the present ministry continues, or rather while the sent madman has the choice of ministers. sire to know whether I am satisfied with the ministers here? It is impossible for any body to be more so. I see they exert themselves greatly in the common cause, and do every thing for us they can. We can wish for nothing more, unless our great want of money should make us wish for a subsidy, to enable us to act more vigorously in expelling the enemy from their remaining posts, and reducing Canada.

pre

You de

* Proposed descent of a French army in England.

But their own expenses are so great, that I cannot press such an addition to it. I hope, however, that we shall get some supplies of arms and ammunition; and perhaps, when they can be spared, some ships to aid in reducing New York and Rhode Island. At present I know of no good opportunity of writing to America. There are merchant ships continually going, but they are very uncertain conveyances. I long to hear of your safe arrival in England: but the winds are adverse, and we must have patience. With the sincerest esteem and respect,

I am ever, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, AT HAvre.

SIR,

(With the sword ordered by Congress.)

Passy, August 24, 1779.

The congress, sensible of your merit towards the United States, but unable adequately to reward it, determined to present you with a sword, as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgment. They directed it to be ornamented with suitable devices. Some of the principal actions of the war in which you distinguished yourself by your bravery and conduct, are therefore represented upon it. These, with a few emblematic figures, all admirably well executed, make its principal value. By the help of the exquisite artists France affords, I find it easy to express every thing but the sense we have of your worth, and our obligations to you. For this, figures and even words are found insufficient. I therefore only add, that with the most perfect esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.