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tablishments, which under any form of govern-sever them from their brethren, and connect ment, are inauspicious to Liberty, and which them with aliens ? S are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Re- To the efficacy and permanency of your Unpublican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your ion, a government for the whole is indispensaUnion ought to be considered as a main prop of ble. No alliances, however strict, between the your Liberty, and that the love of the one parts can be an adequate substitute; they must one ought to endear you to the preservation of inevitably experience the infractions and interthe other.

ruptions which all alliances in all times have

experienced. Sensible of this momentous § These considerations speak a persuasive lan

truth, you have improved upon your first essay, guage to every reflecting and virtuous mind,

by the adoption of a constitution of government and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of a patriotic desire. Is there a better calculated than your former for an inties

mate Union, and for the efficacious managements doubt, whether a common Government can em

of your common concerns. This Government. brace so large a sphere? Let experience solve.

the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced it. To listen to more speculation in such as

Mand unawed,adopted upon full investigation,and case were criminal. We are authorized to

mature deliberation, completely free in its prinhope that a proper organization of the whole,lai

ciples, in the distribution of its powers, uniting with the auxiliary agency of governments for

security with energy, and containing within itthe respective subdivisions, will afford a happy

PY self a provision for its own amendment, has a 3 issue to the experiment. It is well worth a

just claim to your confidence and your support. fair and full experiment with such powerful

- Respect for its authority, compliance with its S and obvious motives to union, affccting all parts.

1 laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties of our Country, while experiment shall not have

enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true $ demonstrated its impracticability, there will al

Liberty. The basis of our political systems is Sways be reason to distrust the patriotism of the right of the people to make and to alters

those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to their constitutions of government. But the weaken its bands.

Constitution which at any time exists, until In contemplating the causes which may dis- changed by an explicit and authentic act of the şturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. S concern that any grounds should have been The very idea of the power and the right of the $furnished for characterizing parties, by geo- people to establish government, pre-supposes graphical discrimination-Northern and South- the duty


estabern Atlantic and Western; whence designing lished Government. men may endeavor to excite a belief, that there All obstructions to the execution of the laws, is a real difference of local interests and views. all combinations and associations, under whatOne of the expedients of party to acquire influ- ever plausible character, with the real design ence, within particular districts, is to misrepre- to direct, control. counteract or awe the regular sent the opinions and aims of other districts.-deliberation and action of the constituted authoYou cannot shield yourselves too much against rities, are destructive of this fundamental printhe jealousies and heart-burnings which spring ciple, and of fatal tendency. They serve to or-3 Sfiom these misrepresentations; they tend to ganize faction—to give it an artificialand extrarender alien to each other, those who ought to ordinary force-to put in the place of the delebe bound together by fraternal affection. The gated will of the Nation, the will of a party, inhabitants of our Western country have lately often a small but artful and enterprising minor had a useful lesson on this head. They have ity of the community; and, according to the alseen in the negotiation by the Executive, and ternate triumphs of different parties, to makes in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the public administration the mirror of the ill-3 the Treaty with Spain, and in the universal concerted and incongruous projects of faction, 3 satisfaction at the event throughout the United rather than the organ of consistent and whole-> States, a decisive proof how unfounded were some plans digested by common councils, and the suspicions propagated among them, of a po modified by mutual interests. licy in the General Government and in the At. However combinations or associations of the lantic States unfriendly to their interests in re- above description may now and then answers sgard to the Mississippi; they have been wit- popular ends, they are likely, in the course of

nesses to the formation of two Treaties, that time and things, to become potent energies, by S with Great Britain and that with Spain, which which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled 3 secure to them every thing they could desire. men will be enabled to subvert the power of sin respect to our foreign relations, towards con- the people, and to usurp for themselves the 3 firming their prosperity. Will it not be their reins of government; destroying afterwards the Swisdom to rely for the preservation of these ad- very engines which have lifted them to unjust Svantages on the Union by which they were dominion. Sprocured? Will they not henceforth be deaf Towards the preservation of your GovernSto those advisers, if such there are, who would ment, and the permanency of your present hapwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww

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WASMINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. Spy state, it is requisite, not only that you stead-make it the interest and duty of a wise people

ily discountenance irregular opposition to its to discourage and restrain it. Sacknowledged authority, but also that you re- It serves always to distract the public coan

sist with care the spirit of innovation upon its cils, and enfeeble the public administration. It's S principles, however specious the pretext. One agitates the community with ill-founded jeale method of assault may be to effect in the forms of ousies and false alarms', kindles the animosity Sthe Constitution, alterations which will impair of one part against another; foments, occasion & the energy of the system, and thus to undermine ally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the to foreign influence and corruption, which finds changes to which you may be invited, remem- a facilitated access to the Government itself, s ber that time and habit are at least as necessary ih.

ecessary through the channels of party passions. Thus, Sto fix the true character of government, as of the policy and the will of one country are sub-s other human institutions--that experience is iected to it

iş jected to the policy and will of another. S the surest standard, by which to test the real Stendency of the existing Constitution of a coun-'.

" There is an opinion that parties in free counStry—that facility in changes upon the credit of "

of tries are useful checks upon the administration mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to per

r of the Government, and serve to keep alive the Spetual change, from the endless variety of hy. spiri

stv of hy spirit of Liberty. This, within certain limits, pothesis and opinion; and remember, especial- is proba

ber especiais probably true; and in governments of a mo-> Sly, that for the efficient management of your

narchial cast, patriotism may look with indul-2 Scommon interests, in a Country so extensive as geno

was gence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of parSours, a Government of as much vigor as is con- ty. But in those of a popular character, in goSsistent with the perfect security of Liberty. is vernments purely elective, it is a spirit not to Sindispensable. Liberty itself will find in such be encouraged. From their natural tendency, Sa Government, with powers properly distribu. It is certain there will always be enough of Sted and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, in-15

in that spirit for every salutary purpose; and deed, little else than a name, where the Gov- the

re the Gov. there being constant danger of excess, the effort Sernment is too feeble to withstand the enterpri- ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitizes of faction, to confine each member of the so- gate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenchciety within the limits prescribed by the laws, ed, i

ed, it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its & and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, Senjoyment of the rights of person and property. it should consume.

I have already intimated to you the danger It is important, likewise, that the habits of of parties in the State, with particular reference thinking in a free country, should inspire cauy of them on ge

raphical dis- tion in those entrusted with its administration, criminations. Let me now take a more com- to confine themselves within prehensive view, and warn you in the most constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise solemn manner against the baneful effects of of the powers of one department, to encroach the spirit of party, generally.

lupon another. The spirit of encroachment S This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from tends to consolidate the powers of all the deour nature, having its root in the strongest pas-partments in one, and thus to create, whatever sions of the human mind. It exists under dit- the form of government, a real despotism. A ferent shapes in all Governments, more or less just estimate of the love of power, and pronestifled, controled, or oppressed; but in those of ness to abuse it, which predominates in the huthe popular form, it is seen in its greatest rank- man heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth ness, and is truly their worst enemy.

of this position. The necessity of reciprocal s The alternate domination of one faction over checks in the exercise of political power, by Sanother, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, na- dividing and distributing it into different deStural to party dissention, which in different positories, and constituting each the guardian

ages and countries has perpetrated the most of the public weal against invasions by the horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotismn. others, has been evinced by experiments anBat this leads at length to a more formal and cient and modern; some of them in our CounS permanent despotism. The disorders and mis- try, and under our own eyes. To preserve Series which result, gradually incline the minds them must be as necessary as to institute them. S of men to seek security and repose in the abso- If, in the opinion of the people. the distributi Slute power of an individual; and, sooner or or modification of the constitutional powers be Slater, the chief of some prevailing faction, more in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by

able or more fortunate than his competitors, an amendment in the way which the ConstituSturns his disposition to the purposes of his own tion designates. But let there be no change elevation, on the ruins of public Liberty by usurpation; for though this, in one instance,

Without looking forward to an extremity of may be the instrument of good, it is the custhis kind, (which, nevertheless, ought not to be tomary weapon by which free governments Sentirely out of sight, the common and continual are destroyed. The precedent must always 3 mischiefs of the spirit of party, are sufficient to greatly overbalance in permanent evil any parBowwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. Ştial or transient benefit which the use can at conduct of the government in making it, and at any time yield.

for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for ş Of all the dispositions and habits which lead obtaining revenue which the public exigencies

to political prosperity, religion and morality are may at any time dictate. { indispensable supports. In vain would that Observe good faith and justice towards all man claim the tribute of patriot

ho would nations, cultivaie peace and harmony with all :3 labor to subvert these great pillars of human-religion and morality enjoin this conduct; Shappiness, these firmest props of the duties of and can it be that good policy does not equally

men and citizens. The mere politician, equal- enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enSly with the pious man, ought to respect and to lightened, and (at no distant period) a great Scherish them. A volume could not trace all nation, to give to mankind a magnanimous and S their connexions with private and public feli- too novel example of a people always guided

city. Let it simply be asked, where is the se- by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who Scurity for property, for reputation, for life, if the can doubt that in the course of time and things,

sense of religious obligation desert the oaths the fruits of such a plan would richly repay anys Swhich are the instruments of investigation in temporal advantages which might be lost by a $courts of justice ? and let us with caution in- steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Provi

dulge the supposition, that morality can be dence has not connected the permanent felicity $maintained without religion. Whatever may of a nation with virtue? The experiment, at

be conceded to the influence of refined educa- least, is recommended by every sentiments Stion on minds of peculiar structure: reason and which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it

experience both forbid us to expect that na- rendered impossible by its vices? Stional morality can prevail in exclusion of reli- In the execution of such a plan, nothing is gious principle.

more essential than that permanent, inveterate It is substantially true, that virtue or morality antipathies against particular nations, and pasis a necessary spring of popular government. —sionate attachments for others should be exclu

The rule indeed extends with more or less ded, and that in the place of them just amica3 force to every species of free government. Who ble feelings towards all should be cultivated.

that is a sincere friend to it, can look with in- The nation, which indulges towards another 3 difference upon attempts to shake the founda- an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is tion of the fabric ?

in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its ani& Promote, then, as an objects of primary im- mosity, or to its affection either of which is portance, institution for the general diffusions of sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its knowledge. In proportion as the structure of interest. Antipathy in one nation against ano a government gives force to public opinion, it ther, disposes each more readily to offer insult Sis essential that public opinion should be en- and injury--to lay hold of slight causes of umlightened.

brage, and to be haughty and intractable when As a very important source of strength and accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. security, cherish public credit. One method of Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenpreserving it is to use it as sparingly as possi- omed and bloody contests. The nation, prompt-3 ble; avoiding occasions of expense by cultiva- ed by ill will and resentment, sometimes imSting peace, but remembering, also, that timely pels to war the Government, contrary to the

disbursements to prepare for dangers, frequent- best calculations of policy. The Government Sly prevent much greater disbursements to re- sometimes participates in the national propenSpel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of sity, and adopts through passion what reason

debt, not only by shunning occasions of ex- would reject; at other times it makes the Špense, but by vigorous exertions in time of mosity of the nation subservient to projects of

peace to discharge the debts which unavoida- hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and oth-
Sable wars may have occasioned, not ungener- er sinister and pernicious motives. The peace
Sously throwing upon posterity the burthen often, sometimes, perhaps, the Liberty of na-
Swhich we ourselves ought to bear. The exe- tions has been the victim.
Scution of these maxims belongs to your repre- So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one

sentatives, but it is necessary that public opin- nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sion should co-operate. To facilitate to them Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating $the performance of their duty, it is essential the illusion of an imaginary common interest, 3 that you should practically bear in mind, that in cases where no real common interest exists, Stowards the payment of debts there must be and infusing into one he enmities of the other, revenue. That to have revenue there must be betrays the former into a participation in the taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are quarrels and wars of the latter, without adenot more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; quate inducement or justification. It leads S that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable also to concessions to the favorite nation of Sfrom the selection of the proper objects (which privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly Sis always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a to injure the nation making the concessions, by

decisive motive for a candid construction of thelunnecessarily parting with what ought to have mummimammeeriminonimowwwwwwwwwmumi

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WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDREES. been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-, will cause the neutrality we may at any times wil, and a disposition to retaliate, in the par- resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; şties from whom equal privileges are withheld; when belligerent nations, under the impossiand it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded bility of making acquisitions upon us, will not citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite lightly hazard the giving us provocations ; nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the inter- when we may choose peace or war, as our inests of their own country, without odium, terest, guided by justice, shall counsel. sometimes even with popularity; gilding with Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a the appearances of a virtuous sense of obliga- situation? Why quit our own to stand upon stion a commendable deference for public opin- foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our Sion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the destiny with that of any part of Europe, enbase or foolish compliances of ambition, cor-tangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of raption or infatuation.

European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor & As avenues to foreign influence in innumer-or caprice? Sable ways, such attachments are particularly It is our true policy to steer clear of permaS alarming to the truly enlightened and indepen- nent alliancess with any portion of the foreign dent patriot. How many opportunities do world—so far, I mean, as we are now at liberthey afford to tamper with domestic factions, ty to do it; for let me not be understood as ca. to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead pable of patronizing infidelity to existing en-3

public opinion, to influence or awe the public gagements. I hold the maxim no less appliScouncils! Such an attachment of a small or cable to public than to private affairs, that honweak, towards a great and powerful nation, esty is always the best policy. I repeat it, dooms the former to be the satelite of the therefore, let those engagements be observed Slatter.

in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it Against the insidious wiles of foreign influ- is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to ex-3 Sence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow tend them. citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to Taking care alwaos to keep ourselves, by be constantly awake; since history and expe- suitable establishments, on a respectable defenrience prove that foreign influence is one of sive posture, we may safely trust to temporary the most baneful foes of Republican Govern-alliances for extraordinary emergencies ment. But that jealousy, to be useful, must! Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of nations are recommended by policy, humanity the very influence to be avoided, instead of a and interest. But even our commercial policy defence against it. Excessive partiality for should hold an equal and impartial hand; neione foreign nation, and excessive dislike of ther seeking nor granting exclusive favors or 3 another, causes those whom they actuate, to preferences; consulting the natural course of

see danger only on one side, and serve to veil things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle and even second the arts of influence on the means the streams of commerce, but forcing other. Real patriots, who may resist the in-nothing; establishing, with powers so dispoStrigues of the favorite, are liable to become sed, in order to give trade a stable course, to 3 suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes define the rights of our merchants, and to enausurp the applause and confidence of the peo- ble the government to support them; convenple, to surrender their interests.

tional rules of intercourse, the best that presenta The great rale of conduct for us, in regard to circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, 3 3 foreign nations, is in extending our commer- but temporary, and liable to be from time to tinie

cial relations, to have with them as little politi- abandoned or varied, as experience and cir-
& cal connexion as possible. So far as we have cumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping?
already formed engagements, let them be ful- in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for
filled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. disinterested favors from another; that it musta
& Europe has a set of primary interests, which pay with a portion of its independence for

to us have none, or a very remote relation.- whatever it may accept under that character;
Hence she must be engaged in frequent con- that by such acceptance, it may place itself in
Stroversies, the causes of which are essentially the condition of having given equivalents for

foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it nominal favors, and yet of being reproached
must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, with ingratitude for not giving more. There
by artifical ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of can be no greater error than to expect or cal-
Sher politics, or the ordinary combinations and culate upon real favors from nation to nation.
Scollisions of her friendships or enmities. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure,

Oar detached and distant situation invites which a just pride ought to discard.
Sand enables us to pursue a different course. If In offering to you, my countrymen, these
Swe remain one people, under an efficient gov- counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I3
Sernment, the period is not far off, when we dare not hope they will make the strong and
may defy material injury from external annoy- lasting impression I could wish--that they will

ance; when we may take such an attitude as control the usual current of the passions, or Bmwinywwwwwwwwwwwwwww

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prevent our nation from ranning the course obligation which justice and humanity impose which has hitherto marked the destiny of na-lon every nation, in cases in which it is free to tions; but if I may even flatter myself that free to act to maintain inviolate the relations they may be producti.e of some partial bene- of peace and amity towards other nations. fit, some occasional good--that they may now The inducements of interest for observing S and then recur to moderate the fury of party that conduct will best be referred to your own spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign reflections and experience. With me, a preintrigue, to guard against the impostures of dominant motive has been to endeavor to gain pretended patriotism—this hope will be a full time to our Country to settle and mature its Srecompense for the solicitude for your welfare, yet recent institutions, and to progress, withby which they have been dictated

out interruption, to that degree of strength and S 'How far, in the discharge of my official du- consistency, which is necessary to give it, hu. şties, I have been guided by the principles manely speaking, the command of its own forŚwhich have been delineated, the public records tunes. Sand other evidences of my conduct must wit- Though in reviewing the incidents of my ad. Sness to you and to the world. To myself, the ministration, I am unconscious of intentional Sassurance of my own conscience is that I have error, I am ne ertheless too sensible of my deS at least believed myself to be guided by them. fects not to think it probable that I may have 3 In relation to the still subsisting war in Eu-committed many errors. Whatever they may

rope, my proclamation of the 22d of April, be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert 31793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by or mitigate the evils to wbich they may tend.

your approving voice, and by that of your Re- I shall also carry with me the hope that my presentatives in both Houses of Congress, the Country will never cease to view them with spirit of that measure has continually governed indulgence; and that after forty-five years of me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or my life dedicated to its service, with an updivert me from it.

right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities After deliberate examination, with the aid will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must of the best lights I could obtain, I was well soon be to the mansions of rest. satisfied that our Country, under all the cir- Relying on its kindness in this as in other cumstances of the case, had a right to take, things, and actuated by that fervent love toand was bound in duty and interest, to take awards it, which is so natural to a man who neutral position. Having taken it, I deter- views in it the native soil of himself and his mined, as far as should depend on me, to progenitors for several generations, I anticimaintain it, with moderation, perseverence pate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in and firmness.

which I promise myself to realize, without alThe considerations which respect the right loy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influSoccasion to detail. I will only observe, that ence of good laws under a free Government

according to my understanding of the matter. the ever favorite object of my heart, and the Sthat right, so far from being denied by any of happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, & the belligerent powers, has been virtually ad- labors and dangers. mitted by all.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may United States, Sept. 17, 1796. be inferred, without any thing more, from the

No. of Electors in 1844. States.

No. of Electors in 1844
S Maine................................. 9 South Carolina.......
New Hampshire ..

.. 6 Georgia....

.............................102 $ Massachusetts..

..12 Alabama. Rhode Island........

., 4 Mississippi.. S Connecticut..............

6 Louisiana .... Vermont......

... 6 Ohio....... S New York.........

...36 Kentucky................. New-Jersey .........

... 7 Tennessee. 3 Pennsylvania....

...26 Indiana ..... Delaware ..........

.. 3 Nlinois........... Maryland....................

.. 8 Michigan......... Virginia ...

..17 Missouri................... North Carolina.......

...11 Arkansas. Total... ............................................................ .. 2 3 In 1844, the States in Italics voted for Polk, giving him 170 votes-the residue for Clay, giving him 105 votes. saumwimwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww

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