The little adventure at Berlin, was a low piece of Scottish knavery, exactly calculated for the meanness of fraud, in those pedlars of politics, who, boasting all the while of economy, have lost a continent.

This poor country is fallen into a fatal lethargy, from which all efforts to rouse her seem ineffectual. The single loss of Minorca, drove the people of England almost to madness; now thirteen provinces dismembered from the British empire scarcely excite a murmur, except among a very few, who dare to love their country even at this disgraceful period. The parliamentary campaign will soon open, but nothing is to be expected. Corruption has spread like a low born mist, a Scottish mist, and pervades every thing. Poor opposition, too, wants a head, and is feeble and sickly in all its members.

I am very sensible of your kindness to young Smith of Berlin, and was made very happy by your favourable account of him. I hope, I am not to blush for him in future life, but trust he will justify your obliging partiality to him.

In all the changes or chances of this political warfare, remember, my dear sir, you have here a warm friend, who would rejoice in every opportunity of convincing you of his attachment, and be highly gratified by your correspondence. Vale, et me ama.

P. S. Miss Wilkes desires to add her compliments.

The following letter was from Colonel Barré, whose eloquent defence of the colonies is so well known to every reader.

LONDON, January 31st, 1771.

SIR-I should long since have acknowledged the receipt of your very obliging letter of last June, if I had been in England; but I was, at the time of its arrival, in a remote part of Europe, and now seize this as the first opportunity which presents itself since my return, to pay my respects to you.

I see you lament, with all the feelings of true patriotism, that the firmness of America, has at last given way to the combined arts of ministerial and mercantile wickedness. It was very difficult to resist the former, and, upon my word, I think it fair to call the latter, rather mercantile weakness, than wickedness. Some of the most considerable men throughout your continent are employed in active commerce. They stood long in defence of the rights of their fellow subjects, but the ministers have had sagacity enough to see, that (be

VOL. IL

sides the jealousy of each other,) the expense of the contest, lay too heavy upon that body of men, to continue much longer. However, it must be confessed upon the whole, that America has shown, in the late struggle, a strong love of liberty, a spirited resentment, and most uncommon abilities.

I am exceedingly obliged to you for your two presents. Their intrinsic worth is rare, and the manner of sending them, very flattering. It must give me great pleasure to find, that my poor services are still remembered in America, and that I hold a place, in the esteem of so respectable a man, as Mr. Lee.

I have the honour to be, with great regard and consideration, Sir,

Your most obedient, and most humble servant,
ISAAC BARRE.

The following letter is from William Wyndham, who was a distinguished politician and speaker in the House of Com

mons.

MY DEAR SIR-I did not imagine, when we last met in London, that it would so soon happen to me, to address a letter to you, as one of the commissioners of the United States of America. I most heartily wish you joy, of a situation so honourable and distinguished. The sentiments which I have ever entertained on American matters, at a time when affairs had the least promising aspect, will sufficiently witness, the sincerity of this congratulation. I would wish to say a great deal of what is uppermost in my mind, on the present most extraordinary juncture, but the hurry in which I am obliged to write, will confine me to the immediate subject of this letter. I have taken the opportunity of my being in France for a few days, and meeting with Captain Johnson, to send this letter and one enclosed to you, with the hope, that you will take some safe opportunity of sending the enclosed, to my friend* in Carolina. I have ventured to propose, in my letter to him, that he should direct a letter to me, to your care. I am sensible I am taking a liberty, but I am driven to it by my desire to hear from him, and my ignorance of any other means by which I might hope a letter would come safe.

In the summer, I think, I shall be tempted to make a short visit to Paris. It would give me particular pleasure to find

The name could not be made out.

you there. What a spectacle have our worthy court exhibited to the indignation and scorn of Europe. When I think of the acquiescence of the nation, under such men and manners, I really begin almost "desperare de republica," and to hold less firmly to an opinion, which I have kept fast to hitherto, that the bulk of the people of England, had still a fund of those qualities, which, till lately, rendered them deservedly the admiration of all who knew them. I should be very happy to have now some more of such conversations as we used to have on these matters formerly. I am at a loss how to enclose this letter, in a way to make myself known, without signing my name, which might perhaps be inconvenient; after the description, which Captain Johnson may give, it may probably be sufficient to add, that we met at poor Alleyne's,* the last time we dined there, Jonest was one of the party. Believe me, dear sir, with great truth,

Your most obedient and faitful servant,

DUNKIRK, March 12, 1778,

I live now in Pall-Mall.

W. W.

Alleyne was a very brilliant advocate, and a lawyer of great promise. He was the friend and companion of Dunning, &c. He died early in life. Sir William Jones.

NUMBER II.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled.

The humble petition of several natives of America, showeth, That your petitioners being natives of his majesty's dominions in America, are deeply interested in every proceeding of this right honourable house, which touches the life, liberty, or property, of any person, or persons, in the said dominions. That your petitioners conceive themselves and their fellow subjects, to be entitled to the rights of natural justice, and to the common law of England, as their unalienable birth right. That they apprehend it to be an invariable rule of natural justice, that no man shall be condemned unheard; and that, according to law, no person, or persons, can be judged without being called upon to answer, and being permitted to hear the evidence against them, and to make their defence. That it is, therefore, with the deepest concern, they understand, that there is now before this right honourable House, a bill of pains and penalties to be inflicted on the town of Boston, for a trespass committed by some persons unknown, upon the property of the East India Company, without the said town having been apprised of any accusation being brought against them, or permitted to hear the evidence, if there be any, or to make their defence. That the bill takes away immediately from the inhabitants of the town, the use of property to the amount of several hundred thousand pounds, vested in quays, wharves, stores, &c. That it will restrain many thousands of his majesty's subjects from subsisting themselves and their families, by their usual employments. That it will punish the innocent for the guilty, and even should all the reparation required by the bill be made, the restoration of that property, or any part of it, is suffered to depend solely upon the will of the crown.

Your petitioners conceive such proceedings to be directly repugnant to every principle of law and justice, and that, under such a precedent, no man, or body of men, could enjoy a moment's security; for, if judgment be immediately to fol

low an accusation, the accused, unacquainted with the charge, and debarred from defending themselves, every fence against false accusations will be pulled down; justice will no longer be a shield, nor innocence an exemption from punishment. Your petitioners beg leave to represent, that the law in America ministers redress for any injury sustained there, and they can most truly affirm, that it is administered in that country with as much impartiality as in any other part of his majesty's dominions. In proof of this, they appeal to an instance of great notoriety, in which, under every circumstance that could exasperate the people, and disturb the course of justice, Captain Preston and his soldiers had a fair trial, and a favourable verdict. The due course of law thus manifestly holding out redress, they cannot but consider the interposition of Parliamentary power to be as unnecessary as it is arbitrary and unjust. Your petitioners conceive that the right honourable House, being the supreme judicature of this nation, are too well acquainted with the inviolable rules of justice to require any further objections to the bill against the town of Boston, now under consideration. They, therefore, trust and pray that the right honourable house will not pass a bill which is to condemn and punish persons unheard, and, therefore, deprived of that privilege which every principle of justice, and every practice of law, allows to the meanest individual; the privilege of hearing and controverting the evidence against him, and maintaining his innocence. And your commissioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.

THATCHED HOUSE TAVERN, LONDON, March 26th, 1774.

The above is a literal copy of a petition this day drawn up and signed, here, by the sheriffs of London, Doctor Franklin, R. Izard, William Middleton, Esquires, Colonel Lawrence, and many other of the first gentlemen of South Carolina. The honourable John Ellis, one of the council of Jamaica, and worth at least twenty thousand pounds per annum ; Arthur Lee, Esq. and many other gentlemen of the several colonies of North Carolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, and the several New England governments, and is to be presented, on Monday next, the 28th instant, to the House of Lords.

(Witness)

WILLIAM LEE.