CHAPTER VII.

THE period was now approaching, when the continental Congress were about to take the decisive step, of dissolving the union between Great Britain and the colonies. This measure was not the act of ambitious men, who sought their own aggrandizement, regardless of the welfare of their country. It was the act of the most virtuous set of men with which history makes us acquainted. It was the measure of wise patriots, who, in common with their countrymen, felt the burden of oppression, and appreciated freedom, as the source of all private safety, and public happiness.

In the commencement of the dispute between the colonies and the mother country, the former claimed only those fundamental rights, which the British constitution guaranteed to all the subjects of the crown of England, and which had been productive of the happiest effects, as was evident, from their unexampled growth and prosperity. The inhabitants, descendants of Englishmen, had, for centuries, felt a common interest in the prosperity of the parent country; and had been taught, both by precept and experience, to consider the British constitution as the happiest, because the most effectual safeguard of human rights.

It was not wonderful, therefore, that the people of the colonies should so long have endured insult and injury; should so long have spoken the language, only of supplication and remonstrance. It is not wonderful that the wealth, the naval power, and military prowess of Great Britain, should so long have repressed the faintest idea of separation and independence.

In the early part of the year 1776, a large portion of the people of the colonies, still asked for nothing more

than a redress of grievances. A considerable number still considered those grievances the effect of unconstitutional proceedings, and unwarrantable demands. Many of the most judicious and able citizens, friends of the colonies, had not yet aspired to independence—they would have dreaded the horrors of civil war, and would have despaired of success, had the noble aspiration ever lifted up their minds.

The following letter of General Charles Lee, refers to the spirit predominating at this time.

"WILLIAMSBURG, MAY 10th, 1776.

MY DEAR FRIEND-Your brother and I think, from the language of your letters, that the pulse of the Congress is low, and that you yourself, with all your vigour, are by collision, somewhat more contracted in your hopes than we wished to have found. If you do not declare immediately for positive independence, we are all ruined. There is a poorness of spirit and languor in the late proceedings of Congress, that I confess frightens me so much, that at times, I regret having embarked my all, my fortune, life, and reputation, in their bottom. I sometimes wish that I had settled in some country of slaves, where the most lenient master governs. However, let the fate of my property be what it will, I hope I shall preserve my reputation, and resign my breath with a tolerable degree of grace.

God bless you-I cannot write more at present.Ah Cassius, I am sick of many griefs." Yours, most entirely,

Hon. RICHARD HENRY LEE."

CHARLES LEE.

There were, however, many enlightened, men, who had long foreseen the ultimate effects of ministerial measures. They had never hoped, for to them, no ground of hope appeared, that supplication or meek remonstrance would arrest the course, or alter the system of colonial administration. They early predicted, that

submission or resistance would be the fate, or the choice of the colonies. Believing that the course of things tended to this end, they had secretly indulged their love of liberty, in visions of free and confederated republics; and growing indignant at the wrongs heaped upon themselves and their countrymen, they had boldly reasoned with themselves, of " unalienable rights, and of national independence." The reader will have already distinguished Mr. Lee, as a leader of this class of men. He will remember, that upon the first intelligence of the declaratory act in '64, he had warned an English correspondent and politician, to consider, "that possibly this step (the declaratory act) of the mother country, though intended to oppress, and keep us low, in order to secure our dependence, may be subversive of that end. That poverty and oppression among those whose minds are filled with British liberty, may introduce a virtuous industry, with a train of manly and generous sentiments, which, when in future, they become supported by numbers, may produce a fatal resentment of parental care being converted into tyrannical oppression." He will recollect the opinions held by Mr. Lee, the language used, and the conduct pursued, from the very commencement of the troubles in America, up to this period. Hé will particularly recollect, the motion made by him, early in the first session of the continental Congress, "to arm the militia of the colonies;" his support of a motion made subsequently, in the Assembly of Virginia, by Patrick Henry, to arm the militia of that colony; and his opinion, that the colonies could successfully maintain a contest with Great Britain. The reader must perceive a bolder tone of indignation against the English government pervading the speeches, and the writings of Mr. Lee, than was consistent with the views of one, who sought redress of grievances merely. He will recollect, that General Gadsden of South Carolina, has said, that during the existence of the stamp act, Mr. Lee had invited him to become a member of a corresponding association, which was to suggest the idea of indepen

dence, as the discontents of the people should become louder and stronger, against the unconstitutional administration of the English government.

For the last two years, Mr. Lee had been an avowed advocate for independence, and spoke with great confidence of the event of a contest. His speeches in the Assembly, and to the people of Westmoreland; his conversation among all classes of people in Virginia; his opinions strongly and eloquently enforced in his intercourse with the public men of that state, all conspired to prepare, and at length to determine his countrymen of Virginia, to declare that colony free and independent. On the 17th of May, 1776, the convention which had assembled on the sixth instant, unanimously resolved, "that the delegates appointed to represent this colony in the general Congress, be instructed to propose to that respectable body, to declare the united colonies free and independent states, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence upon, the crown or Parliament of Great Britain; and to support whatever measures may be thought proper and necessary by the Congress for forming foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colonies, at such time and in such manner, as to them may seem best-provided, that the power of forming governments for, and the regulations of the internal concerns of each colony, be left to the respective colonial legislatures. The convention proceeded to the establishment of a regular independent government.

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The continental Congress being the point of union, and the organ of efficient opposition, attracted the anxious attention of the ministry. They watched that body with earnest attention, and in terms of haughty vengeance, denounced its proceedings. They considered it the focus, to which all the heat and temerity of rebellion tended, and from which, they were reflected with tenfold intensity and power. The proceedings of the colonial Assemblies and conventions, had ceased to occupy their thoughts since the Congress multiplied all their apprehensions. The raising of an army, and the ap

pointment of a commander-in-chief with every military power, had appeared but as the presumption of ill-advised and deluded rebels, who yet might be alarmed, or soothed into submission. But neither the ministry nor the people of Great Britain, had ever entertained the apprehension, that the colonies would dare to aspire to independence. It was to be expected, therefore, that a declaration of independence would excite the astonishment of the latter, and the fiercest indignation of the former. It was then not without reason apprehended, that the person who should propose, that the colonies be declared independent, would be marked out as that daring rebel, whose spirit should be quenched, and whose condign punishment should be made a terrible warning.

Amidst the hesitation of some colonies, the foreseen opposition of many able men of the Congress, the malice of the tories, the perils of war with its unknown issues, and the vengeance of the ministry, Richard Henry Lee moved the resolution, (in these his own words,) "That these united colonies are, and of right, ought to be, free and independent states; and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."*

It has been seen, that the convention of Virginia had instructed her delegates in Congress, to propose to that body, to declare the colonies independent. As soon as the instructions arrived, theyt appointed Mr. Lee to move a resolution conformably to it. The opinions and wishes of Mr. Lee, were well known to them, the boldness and decision of his character were suited to the crisis. His eloquence and political information peculiarly fitted him for the discussions, which, it was anticipated, would follow the motion.

That it was the opinion of Congress, that the member who made the first motion on the subject of independ

* See Journal, p. 204.

† Mr. Wythe was at the head of the Virginia delegation, his name standing first on the list of deputies.

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