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their plainness, and make no appeal to blind excitement ; but I venture to throw out the hint, that in certain quarters even the word religion is employed as a tool against that cause which you pronounce to be just; and therefore I may be permitted to claim from ministers of Christ-from Protestant clergymen from American Protestant clergymen, that they will not only pray for that cause, but also be watchful against that abuse of religion for the oppression of a just cause.

You have farther stated that as American clergymen, you entertain the conviction that a free Gospel can only be permanently enjoyed under a free civil government. Now what is free Gospel? The trumpet of the Gospel is of course sounded from the moral influence of the truths, which are deposited by Divine Providence in the holy Scriptures. No influence can be more powerful than that of the truth which God himself has revealed, and nevertheless you say, that for permanent enjoyment of this moral influence, the field of free civil government is necessary. So it is. Now, let me

make the application of these very truths in respect to the moral institutions of your country. I entirely trust that all other institutions which we know now will by and bye disappear before the moral influence of your institutions, as is proved by the wonderful development of this country-but under one condition, that the nations be restored to national independence: since, so long as absolutist power rules the world, there is no place, no field for the moral influence of your institutions. Precisely as the moral influence of the Gospel cannot spread without a free civil government, so the influence of your institutions can spread only upon the basis of national independence, as a common benefit to every nation.

You will, I hope, generously excuse me for having answered your generous sentiments in such a plain manner. My indisposition has given me no time to prepare for the honour of meeting you in such a way as I would have wished. You have given joy, consolation, and hope to my heart, and encouragement to go on in that way which you honour with your welcome and your sympathy; and I shall thank this your generosity in the most effective manner, by following your advice and by further using those exertions which have met your approbation.

XXXI.-ON WASHINGTON'S POLICY.

[Speech on the Anniversary of Washington's Birthday, Cincinnati.]

A SPLENDID entertainment was prepared, to which six hundred persons sat down. After the toasts many energetic speeches were made. Mr. Corry said :—

The time is come for our mighty Republic to stand by its friends and brave its enemies. There is a confederation of tyrants now marching across the cinders of Europe. Are we to take no heed of their aggressions at our doors? It is for us to aid the people of the old world against their tyrants, as we were aided to get rid of ours. Ohio will not fail in her

duty.

The president of the evening, Mr. James J. Foran, observed :

:

In 1849 we held in this city the first meeting, I believe, in the United States on this subject, and expressed our indignation at the unwarrantable interference of Russia. We declared it to be our duty, as a free and powerful government, to notify to Russia, that her interference in the affairs of Hungary must cease, or the United States would cast their strength on the side of justice and right against tyranny and oppression. In the great struggle which is approaching between liberty and absolutism we shall be compelled to act a part. It will not do to rely altogether on either a just cause or the interposition of Providence. It is well to have both of these; but to add to them our own exertions, is indispensable to human success.

Here, "in the wilderness," in the bosom of the Great West, in the city of one hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, whence emanated the first public move in America for his personal cause, and also his liberation from captivity, do we welcome Louis Kossuth, the champion of self-government in Europe.

Kossuth in response said :

Mr. President: I consider it a particular favour of Providence that I am permitted to partake, on the present solemn occasion, in paying the tribute of honour and gratitude to the memory of your immortal Washington.

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An architect having raised a proud and noble building to the service of the Almighty, his admirers desired to erect a monument to his memory. How was it done? His name was inscribed upon the wall, with these additional words: "You seek his monument-look around."

Let him who looks for a monument of Washington, look around the United States. The whole country is a monument to him. Your freedom, your independence, your national power, your prosperity, and your prodigious growth, is a monument to Washington.

There is no room left for panegyric, none especially to a stranger whom you had full reason to charge with arrogance, were he able to believe that his feeble voice could claim to be noticed in the mighty harmony of a nation's praise. Let me therefore, instead of such an arrogant attempt, pray that that GOD, to whose providential intentions Washington was a glorious instrument, may impart to the people of the United States the same wisdom for the conservation of the present prosperity of the land and for its future security which he gave to Washington for the foundation of it.

I

Allow me, sir, to add, Washington's wisdom consisted in doing all which, according to the circumstances of his time and the condition of his country, was necessary to his country's freedom, independence, welfare, glory, and future security. pray to God that the people of this Republic, and all those whom the people's confidence has entrusted with the honourable charge of directing the helm of the commonwealth, may be endowed with the same wisdom of doing all which present circumstances and the present condition of your country point out to be not only consistent with but necessary to your country's present glory, present prosperity, and future security.

Surely, that is the fittest tribute to the memory of Washington, that is the most faithful adherence to the doctrine which he bequeathed to you, by far a better tribute, and by far a more faithful adherence, than to do, literally, the same that he did, amid circumstances quite different from those you are now surrounded with, and in a condition entirely different from that in which you and the world are now.

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AUTHORITY OF WASHINGTON.

The principles of Washington are for ever true, and should for ever be the guiding star to the United States. But to imitate literally the accidental policy of Washington, would be to violate his principles. If the spirit of Washington could raise its voice now, in this distinguished circle of American patriots, it would loudly and emphatically protest against such a course, and would denounce it as not only injurious to his memory, but also as dangerous to the future of this Republic, which he founded with such eminent wisdom and glorious success.

I have seen, sir, the people of the United States advised to regard the writings of Washington as the Mahommedan regards the Koran, considering everything which is not to be found in the Koran as useless to heed. Now this parallel I, indeed, take for a very curious compliment to the memory of Washington—a compliment at which his immortal spirit must feel offended, I am sure.

Why? to what purpose is the immortal light of Heaven beaming in man's mind, if it be wise not to make any use of it? To what purpose all that assiduous care about public instruction, and about the propagation of knowledge and intelligence, if the writings of Washington are the Koran of America; forbidding the right of private judgment, which the great majority of your nation claim as a natural right, even in respect to the Holy Bible, that book of Divine origin? Look to the east where the Koran rules, obstructing with its absolutism the development of human intellect: what do you behold there? You behold mighty nations, a noble race of men, interesting in many respects, teeming with germs of vitality, and still falling fast into decay, because doomed to stagnation of their intelligence by that blind faith in their Koran's absolute perfection, which we see recommended as a model to the people of this Republic, whose very existence rests on progress.

Indeed, gentlemen, I dare to say that I yield to nobody in the world, in reverence and respect to the immortal memory of Washington. His life and his principles were the guiding star of my life; to that star I looked up for inspiration and advice, during the vicissitudes of my stormy life. Hence I

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drew that devotion to my country and to the cause of national freedom, which you, gentlemen, and millions of your fellowcitizens and your national government, are so kind as to honor by unexampled distinction, though you meet it not brightened by success, but meet it in the gloomy night of my existence, in that helpless condition of a homeless wanderer, in which I must patiently bear the title of an "imported rebel” and of a "beggar" in the very land of Washington, for having dared to do what Washington did; for having dared to do it with less skill and with less success, but, Heaven knows, not with less honesty and devotion than he did.

Well, it is useless to remark that Washington would probably have ended with equal failure, had his country not met that foreign aid for which they honourably begged. It is useless to remark that he would undoubtedly have failed, if after the glorious battle of Yorktown he had met a fresh enemy of more than two hundred thousand men, such as we met, and had been forsaken in that new struggle by all the world. It is useless to remark that success should not be the only test of virtue on earth, and fortune should not change the devotion of a patriot into an outrage and a crime; and particularly not, when success is only torn out of the hands of patriotism by foreign violence, and by the most sacrilegious infraction of the common laws of all humanity. All this is useless to say. I must bear many things-must bear even malignity-but can bear it more easily, because against the insult of some who plead the cause of despots in your republic, I have for consolation the tranquillity of my conscience, the love of my countrymen, the approbation of generous friends, and the sympathy of millions in that very land where I meet the title of an "imported rebel."

I was saying, sir, that I yield to no man on earth in reverence to the memory of the immortal WASHINGTON! Indeed, I consider it not inconsistent with this reverence to say: Never let past ages bind the life of future;-let no man's wisdom be Koran to you, dooming progress to stagnation, and judgment to the meagre task of a mere rehearsing memory. Thus I would speak, should even that which I advocate,