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that Mr. Vaughan's offer to purchase the reversion of a patent in Jamaica (which he was otherwife fufficiently entitled to) amounted to a high misdemeanour. Be it fo: and if he deferves it, let him be punished. But the learned judge might have had a fairer opportunity of difplaying the powers of his eloquence. Having delivered himself with fo much energy upon the criminal nature, and dangerous confequences of any attempt to corrupt a man in your Grace's ftation, what would he have faid to the minifter himself, to that very privycounsellor, to that firft commiffioner of the treafury, who does not wait for, but impatiently folicits I i2

the

Grafton certainly fold a patent place to Mr. Hine for three thousand five hundred pounds; and, for fo doing, is now lord Privy Seal to the chafte George, with whose piety we are perpetually deafened. If the house of commons had done their duty, and impeached the black Duke for this most infamous breach of truft, how woefully muft poor, honest Mansfield have been puzzled! His embarraffment would have afforded the most ridiculous fcene, that ever was exhibited. To fave the worthy judge from this perplexity, and the no lefs worthy Duke from impeachment, the profecution against Vaughan was, immediately dropped upon my discovery and publication of the Duke's treachery. The fuffering this cha ge to pass, without any inquiry, fixes shameless prostitution upon the face of the house of commons, more ftrongly than even the Middlesex election.---Yet the licentioufnefs of the prefs is complained of!

the touch of corruption; who employs the meanest of his creatures in these honourable services, and, forgetting the genius and fidelity of his fecretary, defcends to apply to his house-builder for assistance ?

4

This affair, my Lord, will do infinite credit to government, if, to clear your character, you should think proper to bring it into the houfe of Lords, or into the court of King's Bench.-But, my Lord, you dare not do either.

JUNIUS.

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LETTER XLI.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVER

TISER.

Dec. 19, 1769,

When the complaints of a brave and powerful people are obferved to increase in proportion to the wrongs they hve suffered; when, instead of finking into fubmiffion, they are roufed to refiftance, the time will foon arrive, at which every inferior confideration must yield to the fecurity of the Sovereign, and to the general fafety of the state. There is a moment of difficulty and danger, at which flattery and falfehood can no longer deceive, and fimplicity itfelf can no longer be misled. Let us fuppofe it arrived. Let us suppose a gracious, well-intentioned Prince, made fenfible at laft of the great duty he owes to his people, and of his own difgraceful fituation; that he looks round him for affiftance, and afks for no advice, but how to gratify the wishes, and secure the happiness of his subjects. In these circumstances, it inay be a matter of curious SPECULATION to confider, if an boneft man were permitted to

approach

approach a King, in what terms he would address himself to his Savereign. Let it be imagined, no matter how improbable, that the first prejudice againft his character is removed, that the ceremonious difficulties of an audience are furmounted, that he feels himself animated by the purest and most honourable affections to his King and country, and that the great person, whom he addreffes, has spirit enough to bid him fpeak freely, and understanding enough to liften to him with attention. Unacquainted with the vain impertinence of forms, he would deliver his fentiments with dignity and firmness, but not without refpect.

SIR,

you

T is the misfortune of your life, and originally the cause of every reproach and diftrefs, which has attended your government, that fhould never have been acquainted with the language of truth, until you heard it in the complaints of your people. It is not, however, too late to correct the error of your education.

We are ftill inclined to

make an indulgent allowance for the pernicious leffons you received in your youth, and to form the most fanguine hopes from the natural benevo

lence

lence of your difpofition*. We are far from thinking you capable of a direct, deliberate purpose to invade those original rights of your fubjects, on which all their civil and political liberties depend. Had it been poffible for us to entertain a fufpicion fo dishonourable to your character, we should long fince have adopted a ftyle of remonftrance very dif

.1

tant

The plan of tutelage and future dominion over the heir apparent, laid many years ago at Carlton-houfe between the Princess Dowager and her favourite the Earl of Bute, was as grofs and palpable, as that, which was concerted between Anne of Austria and Cardinal Mazarin, to govern Lewis the Fourteenth, and in effect to prolong his minority until the end of their lives. That prince had strong natural parts, and used to blush for his own ignorance and want of education, which had been wilfully neglected by his mother and her minion. A little experience however foon fhewed him how shamefully he had been treated, and for what infamous purposes he had been kept in ignorance. Our great Edward too, at an early period, had fenfe enough to understand the nature of the connection between his abondoned mother and the detefted Mortimer. But, fiace that time, human nature, we may observe, is greatly altered for the better. Dowagers may be chaste, and minions may be honeft. When it was propofed to fettle the present king's houshold as Prince of Wales, it is well known that the Earl of Bute was forced into it, in direct contradiction to the late king's inclination. That was the falient point, from which all the mifchiefs and disgraces of the prefent reign, took life and motion. From that moment Lord Bute never fuffered the Prince of Wales to be an inftant out of his fight.-We need look no farther.

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