would have corrected his conduct, prevented a civil war, and faved him from an ignonimous death. I am no friend to the doctrine of precedents exclufive of right, though lawyers often tell us, that whatever has been once done, may lawfully be done again.

I SHALL Conclude this preface with a quotation, applicable to the subject from a foreign writer*, whose essay on the English constitution I beg leave to recommend to the public, as a performance, deep, folid and ingenious.

"IN fhort, whoever confiders what it is, "that conftitutes the moving principle of what "we call great affairs, and the invincible fen

fibility of man to the opinion of his fellow"creatures, will not hesitate to affirm it, if it "were poffible for the liberty of the press to "exift in a defpotic government, and, (what is not lefs difficult) for it to exift without

changing the constitution, this liberty of the "prefs would alone form a counterpoise to the power of the prince. If, for example, in an empire of the East, a fanctuary could "be found, which, rendered refpectable by the "ancient religion of the people, might insure ❝ fafety

*Monfieur de Lolme.

"fafety to thofe, who should bring thither "their observations of any kind; and that, "from thence, printed papers fhould iffue, "which, under a certain feal, might be equally "respected; and which, in their daily appear"ance, should examine and freely discuss, the "conduct of the Cadis, the Bafhaws, the "Vizir, the Divan, and the Sultan himself, "that would introduce immediately fome de"gree of liberty."

THE

HE fubmiffion of a free people to the executive authority of government, is no more than a compliance with laws, which they themselves have enacted. While the national honour is firmly maintained abroad, and while juftice is impartially administered at home, the obedience of the fubject will be voluntary, chearful, and I might almost fay, unlimited. A generous nation is grateful even for the preservation of its rights, and willingly extends the refpect due to the office of a good prince into an affection for his perfon. Loyalty, in the heart and understanding of an Englishman, is a rational attachment to the guar dian of the laws. Prejudices and paffion have fometimes carried it to a criminal length; and, whatever foreigners may imagine, we know that VOL. I. Englishmen

B

Englishmen have erred as much in a mistaken zeal for particular perfons and families, as they ever did in defence of what they thought most dear and interefting to themselves.

It naturally fills us with refentment, to fee fuch a temper infulted and abufed. In reading the history of a free people, whose rights have been invaded, we are interefted in their caufe. Our own feelings tell us how long they ought to have. fubmitted, and at what moment it would have been treachery to themselves not to have refifted. How much warmer will be our refentment, if experience should bring the fatal example home to ourfelves!

The fituation of this country is alarming enough to roufe the attention of every man, who pre-. tends to a concern for the public welfare. Appearances juftify fufpicion, and, when the fafety of a nation is at ftake, fufpicion is a juft ground of enquiry. Let us enter into it with candour and decency. Refpect is due to the ftation of minifters; and, if a refolution must at last be taken,. there is none fo likely to be fupported with firm nefs, as that which has been adopted with mode

ration.

The ruin or profperity of a state depends fo much the administration of its government,

upon

that to be acquainted with the merit of a miniftry,.

we