especially the non-molestation of the families or possessions of those who had gone to the army before Boston. But there followed attempts to be the first occupants of various localities covered by the dispute, and the Assembly of Pennsylvania appealed to Congress, which appointed a committee of five to hear both sides. Provost Rev. Dr. William Smith and others named by freeholders of Northumberland and Northampton counties stated the case for Pennsylvania, and suggested the Connecticut people withdrawing to their old bounds east of New York until the decision of the controversy by the King in Council. The Connecticut delegates opposed this with a suggestion that a temporary line be fixed pending “a legal settlement of the controversy," and that Connecticut's jurisdiction be that part of the township called Westmoreland which lay east of a line fifteen miles west of the East Branch of the Susquehanna, but Pennsylvania might exercise jurisdiction over those actually settled within said township under claim through the Penns. The Pennsylvania committee declined this, and reported to the Assembly, which on October 27 endorsed their action, but declared it would acquiesce in any plan of Congress whereby the intruders should enjoy their present settlement, if they would give assurance to abide by the decision of the King in Council and meanwhile to introduce no more settlers and abide by the laws of this Province; otherwise it would support the Governor in defending the rights and property of the people of Northampton and Northumberland. Sheriffs' posses

accordingly seized Connecticut settlers. Such as they captured at Fort Parks or Wallinpapeck on the Lackawaxen agreed to demolish the fort, and take leases or purchase from the Proprietaries, and muster in Captain Van Etten's company for the defence of American liberty.

The last meeting of the Governor's Council appears to have been held on October 5, 1775, Logan, Chew, James Tilghman, and Edward Shippen Jr., who was afterwards Chief Justice of the Commonwealth, attending. The Governor made choice of

the sheriff and coroner of various counties under the frame of government of 1701. Memoranda of his acts to December 9 inclusive appear in the book. Congress on May 15, 1776, resolved, that, it being necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority under the British Crown should be totally suppressed, therefore the respective Assemblies and Conventions be recommended, where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs had been previously established, to adopt such government as should in the opinion of the representatives of the people best conduce to their happiness and safety. This was the death-blow to Proprietary authority. A public meeting sent a protest against the Assembly of the province undertaking to frame a new government, as it derived its power from a royal charter, and did not truly represent the people. The meeting called for a convention. Opposed to this was a remonstrance against amending the constitution except by the authority provided in the charter itself. Protests and counter protests went to Congress; but delegates were chosen to the Constitutional Convention, which declared all power and authority derived from the King of England at an end.

I

CHAPTER II.

INDEPENDENCE

N March, 1774, began British coercion of recalcitrant America. Boston, for its bold demonstrations culminating in the "Bcston Tea Party," was closed as a port against all commerce by an act of Parliament passed during that month. The news of its passage aroused the indignation of the friends of liberty; and resolutions for a suspension of trade with England and for a general congress came from the neighboring counties; but in Pennsylvania the majority were disinclined to action. That any was taken is owing to Thomson, Mifflin, and Reed, with whom Dickinson united and he only, trusted for his moderation, admired for his abilities, or considered for his wealth, could have induced the Quakers to consent to an expression of sympathy for Boston and the participation by Pennsylvania in another general congress. Galloway, the Speaker of the Assembly, had taken the American view of taxation without representation, but was by nature a royalist. According to his subsequent statement to the Committee of the House of Commons he saw nothing tyrannical in the Boston Port Bill. What grievances the colonies had, he was willing for a congress of their chief men to talk over: as one of the Committee of Correspondence of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, he wrote in support of such a plan; he said the Assemblies were the proper bodies to name these representatives, and he agreed as Speaker to call a session of his House. Governor Penn had been asked to summon it, but refused; however, he was soon obliged

to do so by the danger of an Indian war. It met on July 18; before which the wire-pullers among the Whigs bent their energies to turn public opinion so strongly in favor of union with the other colonies that the Assembly must comply. They arranged for a convention of county committees, which, meeting just before the House, adopted a long paper of "instructions," prepared by Dickinson, and in a body presented it at the sitting. These desired the Assembly to appoint delegates to the Congress, with orders to exert themselves to obtain a renunciation by Great Britain of all powers under the statute of 35 Henry VIII for transporting persons to England for trial and all powers of internal legislation, imposing taxes or duties, or regulating trade except in certain cases; also a repeal of the acts for quartering troops in the colonies, or imposing duties to be paid in the colonies passed within a certain time, or giving colonial courts of admiralty certain powers complained of, or shutting up the port of Boston, etc. in exchange for which favors, the colonies should engage to obey the Acts of Navigation and other acts of Parliament, and settle an annual revenue on the King, and satisfy all damages done to the East India Company. The committees composing this convention were: For Philadelphia city and county, Thomas Willing, John Dickinson, Peter Chevalier, Edward Penington, Thomas Wharton, John Cox, Joseph Reed, Thomas Wharton Jr., Samuel Erwin, Thomas Fitzsimmons, Dr. William Smith, Isaac Howell, Adam Hubley, George Schlosser, Samuel Miles, Thomas Mifflin, Christopher Ludwic, Joseph Moulder, Anthony Morris Jr., George Gray, John Nixon, Jacob Barge, Thomas Penrose, John M. Nesbitt, Jonathan B. Smith, James Mease, Thomas Barclay, Benjamin Marshall, Samuel Howell, William Moulder, John Roberts, John Bayard, William Rush, and Charles Thomson; for Bucks county, John Kidd, Henry Wynkoop, Joseph Kirkbride, John Wilkinson, and James Wallace; for Chester county, Francis Richardson, Elisha Price, John Hart, Anthony Wayne, Hugh Lloyd, John Sellers, Francis Johnston, and Richard Reiley; for Lancaster county.

George Ross, James Webb, Joseph Ferree, Matthias Slough, Emanuel Carpenter, William Atlee, Alexander Lowry, and Moses Erwin; for York county, James Smith, Joseph Donaldson, and Thomas Hartley; for Cumberland county, James Wilson, Robert Magaw, and William Irvine; for Berks county, Edward Biddle, Daniel Brodhead, Jonathan Potts, Thomas Dundas, and Christopher Shultz; for Northampton county, William Edmunds, Peter Kechlein, John Okeley, and Jacob Arndt; for Northumberland county, William Scull and Samuel Hunter; for Bedford county, George Woods; and for Westmoreland county, Robert Hanna and James Cavett. Willing was Chairman, and Charles Thomson, Clerk. A contemporary writes: "Our Honorable House made but a scurvy appearance the day the memorial was presented to them by the Committees; it was enough to make one sweat to see a parcel of countrymen sitting with their hats on, great coarse cloth coats, leather breeches and woolen stockings in the month of July; there was not a speech made the whole time, whether their silence proceeded from their modesty or from their inability to speak I know not." Over these men, Galloway, with his wealth, education, and political prestige, and with some claim on their gratitude as their advocate against the Proprietaries, was both presiding officer and presiding genius. A few were under the control of ex-Chief Justice Allen, member from Cumberland., Both Allen and Galloway being favorable to a General Congress, and a number of Assemblymen having been members of the Convention, it was carried unanimously to send delegates. But in the choice of delegates, we see the influence of Galloway. Instead of accepting Dickinson and Wilson, whom the Convention favored, the Assembly decided to send from their own number, and put Galloway at the head of the delegation, the others being Samuel Rhodes, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Humphreys, John Morton, George Ross, and Edward Biddle. The non-appointment of Dickinson caused great chagrin. Galloway then wrote the in

structions for himself and colleagues. He tells this to the com