Buckles, Watch-chains, and other articles of Birmingham and Sheffield Manufactures-Materials for Coachmakers, Saddlers, and Upholsterers -Medicinal Drugs-Steel in BarsGoods for the Indian Trade-Books. The fecond general head comprehends, Linens Sail-cloth-Paper and Stationary-Laces-Printed Callicoes, and other Printed Goods Silks-Salt-Tea, and other Eaft India goods-Salt-petre and Gun The third and laft head is confined to feel, that the industry of Britain will encounter little competition in the American market. We fhall obferve with pleasure, that among the maritime ftates, France, after all her efforts, will derive the smallest benefits from the commercial independence of America. She may exult in the dif. memberment of the British empire; but if we are true to ourfelves, and to the wisdom of our ancestors, there is ftill life and vigour left to disappoint her hopes, and to controul her ambi- powder-Lawns-Thread-Hemp. tion*. His lordship then proceeds to ex- Wines-Brandies-Geneva-Oilamine and afcertain what are the Raifins, Figs, Olives, and other Fruits wants of America, what this country Cambrics. can beft provide her with, and in what productions fhe is capable of making fuitable returns. The imports and exports of the American States, his lordfhip very properly obferves, muft in general, from many causes, be the fame at prefent, and for a long time to come, as formerly. He then enumerates the feveral articles imported from Europe, which he marshals into three grand divifions thofe in which Great Britain will have scarce any competition— thofe in which fhe will have competition and those which she cannot fupply to advantage. Nearly all the articles of importation from Europe into the American States are comprehended under the above general heads. The principal part, at least four-fifths of them, were at all times provided on credit. The American States are in greater want of credit at this time than at former periods. It can be had only in Great Britain. The French, whọ gave them credit, are all bankrupts: French merchants in general cannot give much credit; many principal commercial boufes in France have been ruined by it. The Dutch in general have not trufted the Americanst, and will not: it is not their custom to give credit but on the Under the firft of thefe general beft fecurity. It is therefore obvious, heads are included, Woollens-Cut- from this circumftance, and from the alery, and Iron and Steel Manufac-bove ftate of imports, into what channels tures of every kind-Porcelain and Earthen-ware-Glafs-Stockings Shoes Buttons-Felt Hats-Manchefter Manufactures-Haberdashery and Millinery-Tin in Plates, Lead in Pigs and in Sheets, and Copper in Sheets as well as in Kitchen and other utenfils-Painters Colours-Cordage andShip-chandlery-Jewellery, Plate, the commerce of the American States muft inevitably flow, and that nearly fourfifths of their importations will be made from Great Britain directly. Where articles are nearly equal, the fuperior credit given by England will always give the preference; and, it is probabie, many foreign articles will go to America through Great Britain, as formerly, on account <* There is no circumstance of the war that can infpire France with any confidence in the fuperiority of her fleet, her army, or her finances, By her fufpenfion of the carrying-trade, by her neglect and abuse of her army, fhe made up a fleet that was in no inftance victorious. Some time before the figning the Preliminaries, the witheld payment of the bills drawn by her commiffaries in America. Britain always refifted, and fometimes vanquished, the maritime powers of the world; and her efforts will be as glorious in the annals of hiftery, as her moft fuccessful wars. Therefources which have supported a war fo diftant, fo various, fo expensive, have been superior to the expectation of the moft fanguine. Our advantage may be fairly afcribed to the ftrength and fpirit of the country: our Failure, more especially in America, to the misconduct of individuals, and the errors of parlia if the difficulty the American merchant would find in reforting to every quarter of the world to collect a cargo.' The exports from America to Europe, by which the Americans are to pay for the goods imported, are very neceffary to be attended to: they confift. of the following. The produce of the Whale and Cod Fisheries; fuch as Whale-oil, Bone, Fins, and Saited Fifh-Flour and Wheat-Naval Stores; fuch as Pitch, Tar, and Turpentine-Mafts and Spars-Pipe Staves and Lumber general-Flax-feed-Iron and Pot-afh-Tobacco-Furs and Peltry -Spermaceti Candles-Indigo and Rice Ships built for Sale or taking Freight. in The articles imported by the American States from the Weft India Iflands and Settlements in general, were, Sugars Molaffes-Rum Coffee-Cotton-Cocoa-Salt Thofe exported to the West Indies by the Americans, Horfes-WheatSalted Beef, Salted Pork, Butter, Candles, and Soap-Salted FishLumber; that is, Staves and Hoops, Scantling and Timber for Houfe and Mill Frames, Boards, Shingles, &c.Live Oxen, Sheep, and Poultry, for fresh Provifions-Rice, Indian Corn, and Tobacco. From the foregoing ftate of the imports and exports of the American States, to and from Europe and the Weft Indies,' (every article of which his lordship has very fully difcuffed) a judgment may be formed of their natural courfe and tendency, of their importance, and of the meafures that fhould be adopted by Great Britain; or rather, it appears, that little is to be done, and our great care fhould be, to avoid doing mifchief The American States are feparated from us, and independent, confequently foreign: the declaring them fuch, puts them in the only fituation in which they can be. All difficulty is removed; nothing is ha zarded; no hidden mifchief is to be dreaded: but, relying on those commercial principles and regulations under which our trade and navy have become fo great, Great Britain will lofe few of the advantages the poffefled before the American States be came independent; and, with prudent management, fhe will have as much of the trade as it will be her intereft to wish for, without any expence to the ftate of civil establishment or protection. The Navigation A&t* prevented the Dutch from being the carriers of our trade. The violation or relaxation of that act in favour of the Weft Indial lands, or of the American States, will give that advantage to the New Englanders †, and encourage to the greatest degree the marine of America. The bill, in its prefent ftate, allowing an open trade between the American States and our islands, relinquishes the only ufe and advantage of colonies or Weft India Islands, the monopoly of their confumption, and the carriage of their produce; for that object alone we could be tempted to fupport the vast expence of their maintenance and protection. Our late wars have been for the exclufive trade of America, and our enormous debt has been incurred for that object. Our remaining colonies on the continent and islands, and the favourable state of English manufactures, may ftill give us, almost exclufively, the trade of America; but the bill grants the Weft India trade to the American States on better terms than we can have it ourselves, and thefe advantages are bestowed, while local circumstances insure many The Navigation A was established during the Civil Wars, and was confirmed at the Restoration. At that time the commercial tonnage of the kingdom was little more than, 95,000 tons, In 1774, it had risen to near 800,000 tons.' And to them only, for none of the other states have any fhipping; but the bill will in the moft effectual manner encourage the feveral provinces to raife shipping. Should the West India trade be laid open to fhips carrying the flag of the American States, their allies, the French and Dutch, will avail themselves of it, as they did of the Imperial in Europe, and our islands will foon be as much srouded with foreign shipping, as the port of Oftend has lately been.' others others which it is our duty to guard again ft rather than promote. It makes it the intereft of our merchants to trade under the American flag. Shipping, and every provifion neceffary for fhipping, may be had in America at much lefs expence than is required here *. It is the policy of France and Spain not to fuffer foreign veffels to trade to their islands and colonies and our own maxims have hitherto been the fame; but the bill, without the leaft neceffity, gives up this most neceffary restriction, and our whole commercial fyftem. The French, indeed, opened the trade to their Weft India Islands in 1779, to neutral nations, that they might take every feaman they poffibly could for their navy, and to preferve their islands from starving. The confequences would foon have been the deftruction of their navy, as it was of their trade. Ships from all parts went to their islands, and carried the produce wherever they pleafed. Weft India produce became fcarce in France at the time it was plentiful in the north. The revenue failed. France loft one million and a half fterling, and the fame lofs would have been annually repeated as long as the war continued. There was an end of the trade. There was no nursery for feamen left; and if the war had continued, feveral fhips must have been laid up every year for want of failors. Reprefentations came from Bourdeaux, Nantes †, &c. and immediately on the figning of the preliminaries, the permiffion for neutral nations to go to her islands was withdrawn : and fo jealous were the French of the trade of their islands, that before the lofs of Canada and 1 Louifbourg, thofe colonies were not allowed a direct trade to them, and France has had the good fenfe, by her treaty with the American States, to withold the very thing we are feeking to give up." After again hinting at the ferious confequences of any violation or relaxation of the Navigation Act, with refpect to Ireland, his lordship encounters the objections which may be made by the West India planters and merchants, fhould their trade with America be put upon the fame footing as that of other foreign countries. He then points out the neceffary attention which should be paid to Canada and Nova Scotia, and recommends an alteration in the government of the former, to be framed exactly conformable to the wishes of the inhabitants, except in fuch points as clash with the neceffary commercial interests of the country that nurtures, encourages, and protects them. Every indulgence or advantage granted to Canada and Nova Scotia, will be given in a great measure to the Loyalifts who may fettle there, and who fo well deferve it. If our remaining colonies are put on a proper footing, nothing, his lordship is of opinion, could be more deftructive to their intereft, than a feparation from us by revolt or conqueft. We are told it is proper to court. the trade with the American States. Their treaties with France and Holland in direct terms forbid our being put on a better footing than thofe countries. The ftate of our manufactures makes it unneceffary; and nothing can be more weak than the idea of court * The timber, mafts, yards, tar, and pitch, are much cheaper than in England. It is faid the hull of a ship, built here, for example, of 200 tons, will coft nearly as much as a New England ship compleated for fea, viz. about 1000l. Very little wrought-iron for fhip-building is imported into North America from Europe. How the former is provided with cordage and fails, has been already ftated. It is also faid the Americans navigate with fewer hands than we do, or have a greater proportion of boys. It is allowed they navigate much cheaper; their failors are more tractable, and are eafier fed. Wages are nearly the fame; but they are paid to advantage, because they are frequently paid in goods on their return. Most of the American failors have fixed places of refidence, and are fond of their native country.' No lefs than twelve capital houfes in Bourdeaux, and in the other fea-ports of France, failed the fpace of a fortnight.' The fame was done at the Hayannah." ing commerce*. America will have from us what fhe cannot get cheaper and better elsewhere; and what we want from her, fhe will fell to us as cheap as the will to others. But in other refpects the will affume a tone of importance, she will partake of the nature of new men; the has indulged, and will indulge herfelf, in puerile infolence in that, perhaps, the will not shew herself much unlike her parent -but the has fenfe and information; all her people, in fome fhape or other,. are commercial, and in that line particularly they are knowing and intelligent. The truth is, we want little of her produce in Great Britain, coarse tobacco excepted. The finest tobacco grows in the islands, and in South America. The indigo of the iflands, and of South America, is infinitely better than that of North America; but we muft take that, and naval ftores, and other articles, from the -American States, which may be got as good or better elfewhere, in return for our manufactures, inftead of money. In payment, for want of other fufficient returns, large quantities of tobacco must come to Great Britain; and we can afford to give the best price for it, by taking it in exchange for our manufactures. The other principal advantage we derived from the tobacco trade, was, the employment of our fhipping and failors; we manufactured little for exportation, we forted it for the European markets, and we may still have the carriage of much of it from hence to thofe markets. We shall have tranfports and feamen in plenty unemployed, to carry our manufactures to America, and to carry on the trade of the West Indies; and, fo far from giving up any of the carrying-trade, we should exert ourselves to prevent our unemployed feamen from paffing over to the Americans. This mifchief, there is great reafon to fear, is now daily happening. We cannot, therefore, be too attentive to prevent the progress of an evil which vitally affects the interefts of Great Britain.” If, inftead of exaggerating our lofs by the difmemberinent of the empire, we employ our thoughts more advantageoufly in confidering our real fituation, and what are the greatest benefits that can be derived from it, we shall find it better than we expect. Defponding politicians may derive fome comfort from the profpect, that if the American States fhould hereafter be able to manufacture for themfelves, new channels of commerce will be opened, and the inland parts of the continent will require an inexhauftible fupply. British manufac tures will for ages afcend the great rivers of that continent, and by means of a moft extraordinary inland navigation, will be diffufed through à country more fertile, more fufceptible of population, and four times more extenfive, than the American States. The dereliction of fuch a country, in the laft inglorious treaty, has deeply wounded the honour, and perhaps the conftitution†, of Britain, and the American States might receive with aftonishment the unexpected gift; yet the gift, however dif graceful to ourselves, and unneceffary, will be vain and ufeless to the By ineffectual and unneceffary attempts to court American commerce, we' fhall difguft nations with whom we have great intercourfe, and prejudice the beft trade we have. Our exports to the Baltic, and the countries north of Holland, are equal to what our exports to the American States were at any time; and more real British fhipping has been employed to the North, than had ever been employed to the American States. Before the war, very few British ships went to the ports north of Philadelphia; they went principally to the Southern States.' The application to Parliament to enable the Crown to make peace with America, acknowledges, that the royal prerogative was not competent to difmember the empire; but the act which paffed on that occafion by no means enables the Crown to difmember the province of Quebec, (which was formed by act of Parliament) no part of which was then in rebellion, or in the poffef fion of the rebels. The act, after mentioning the Thirteen revolted Colonies by name, gives a power to his Majefty, "to conclude a peace or truce with the SAID Colonies, any law or act of Parliament, matter or thing, to the contrary, notwithstanding." And alfo, "To repeal, annul, and make void, or to fufpend for any time, the operation and effect of any act or acts of Parliament, which relate to the SAID Colon es."-But the act gives no other power.' new can new fovereign. The authority of the Congrefs can never be maintained over those distant and boundless regions*, and her nominal fubjects will Speedily imitate and multiply the examples of independence. But it will be a long time before the Americans manufacture for themselves: their progrefs will be stopped by the high price of labour, and the more pleafing and more profitable employment of agriculture, while fresh lands can be got; and the degree of popu-, lation + neceffary for manufactures cannot be expected, while a spirit of emigration, especially from the New England provinces, to the interior parts of the continent, rages, full as much as it has ever done from Europe to America. If manufacturers should emigrate from Europe to America, at least nine-tenths of them will become farmers; for they will not work at manufactures, when they can get much greater profit by farming t No American articles are fo neceffary to us, as our manufactures, &c. are to the Ameicans; and almost every article of the produce of the American States, which is brought into Europe, we may have at least as good and as cheap, if not better, elfewhere. Both as a friend, and as an enemy, America has been burdenfome to Great Britain. It may be fome fatisfaction to think, that by breaking off rather prematurely, Great Britain may find herself in a better fituation in respect to America, than if she had fallen off when more ripe. America never furnished us with many failors; more than half the number employed by the American States during the war, were not Americans. In the fouthern provinces, British and Irish failors principally were employed before the war; in all the other colonies, they were half British, and half Americans, except in New England, where three **They can derive no benefit from the American States, and they will be little difpofed to share their taxes and burdens. The fettlements on the weft fide of the Allegany Mountains are already very confiderable.' The following account of the population of the American States has the authority of Congress; but the calculation was made at the beginning of the rebellion. The numbers probably were never fo great as ftated: they are certainly much decreased by the war and emigration. The emigrants from Europe to the American States will be miferably disappointed; however, having got into a fcrape, they may wish to lead others after them. When the numberless difficul ties of adventurers and ftrangers are furmounted, they will find it neceffary to pay taxes; to avoid which, probably, they left home, and in the cafe of Britons gave up great advantages. The fame expence, the fame induftry, that become abfolutely neceffary to fave them from finking in America, if properly employed in moft parts of Europe, would give a good eftablishment, and without the entire facrifice of the dearest friends and connections, whofe fociety will be ever lamented, and whofe affiftance, although not to be exerted at the moment, might at other times be most important. The abfolute neceffity of great exertions of industry and toil, added to the want of opportunity of diffipation in the folitary life of new fettlers, and the difficulty and fhame of returning home, alone fupport them there. They find their golden dream ends, at most, in the poffeffion of a tract of wild uncultivated land, subject in many cafes to the inroads of the proper and more amiable owners, the Indians, Emigration is the natural refource of the culprit, and of those who have made themselves the ●bjects of contempt and neglect; but it is by no means necessary to the industrious.”. fourths |