yond the reach of the eye of pride, and diffuse consolation to unknown distress? Shall we refuse to do good, because the reward may be only that of our own commendation, and no other immediately ensues? In the figurative beautiful language of the wise man, "Cast thy bread upon the waters, and thou shalt find it after many days." Think not the boon is lost when thus bestowed; that it sinks in the tide of human misery, never to be remembered more. Though many storms shall arise, yet charity will return richly laden with grateful acknowledgments of the sons of sorrow who have been relieved. Again, our charity should not be confined to numbers, or limited within the narrow bounds of partial regard. For the most part, objects are relieved who seem to have a double claim upon our charity, not from their peculiarity of distress, but upon some other account and circumstances by which they are endeared or recommended to us. Whenever any connection has virtue for its foundation, it has much to plead in excuse for its partial regards; and the very attempt to limit or controul it, appears almost a violation of its principle. This is the case with all the social affections, which may centre in such a degree on some objects, as shall effectually destroy their operation with respect to others.

But though these partialities of our nature have much to plead in their behalf, and from the tender imperfection of nature easily obtain a pardon, let any one enquire of himself, whether a disinterested manner of bestowing a favour be not always a recommendation to it? and whether we do not conceive more exalted ideas of such a man's disposition of soul, than of his whose benefits are conferred under the immediate influence of preconceived affection, and the partiality of peculiar regards? _ Our conceptions of the universal benefactor of mankind must be properly formed by the complete ideas of such a benevolence, because God can never be influenced by those passions which betray men into weakness. The divine mind is all capacious, and his benevolence universal: every individual is the object of his attentive care; and his munificence, like an inexhaustible fountain, spreads into a thousand different channels, and flows pure and uninterrupted to every part of the vast creation..

Charity should be regulated by the following excellent rule, "giving, hoping for nothing again." To per form a benevolent action under the full expectation of a retaliation of favours, is nothing more than a com mutation of good, and leaves us little else to admire but mutual confidence and honour. I am not ignorant that such an interchange of benefits frequently takes place, and is ranked in the catalogue of virtues; but it stands very far beneath the exalted and amiable grace of disinterested charity, and seems better calculated to support an agreeable harmony, and refinement of manners, than to produce and nourish the godlike spirit of unbiassed benevolence. It is further to be observed, that our charity knows no bounds; and as the calamities of life are not confined to any certain number or tribe of men, our acts of beneficence ought not to be limited: at the same time, it is necessary to remark, that this principle of universal charity does not include a necessary obligation to succour all that are in affliction. If this were the case, our duty in many respects would extend much beyond our capacities, and our obligations to it must be dispensed with. We are to understand it as a generous and laudable desire of benefiting our fellow creatures, unlimited by any other consideration but of power to relieve. If a narrow contracted spirit, in any one instance, should destroy the general design of promoting the happiness of mankind, the true principle of universal benevolence undoubtedly suffers in exact proportion. T. HILL.

To the Editor of the European Magazine.

SIR.

HE property mentioned by Mr.

Dowling, in his solution to quest. 17, p. 23, vol 2, Hutton's Mathematics, and noticed by "A Constant Reader,” in page 312 of your April Maga. zine, is demonstrated in Euclid.For let ABC be a section of the earth through its centre, AE a mountain on its surface, EB the line supposed to be drawn from the summit of the mountain to touch the surface of the sea in B, and let

AD be drawn perpendicular to EA: then, by Euclid, prop. 36, book 3, AD is = DB, and consequently EB is≈ ED + DA, or, in other words, the tangent EB is the sum of the secant and tangent of the angle E, to radius AE.-Besides, as the question relative to finding the earth's diameter from having the height of a mountain on its surface has been so fre

quently solved by various persons ; and is to be found in almost every work on trigonometry; and as no solution could be given without a knowledge of this property, it follows that it must have been universally known, and cannot be considered as any thing newSee the solutions to this problem at page 5, Dr. O. Gregory's Astronomy, and at page 60, Dr. Hutton's Mensuration.

I remain, Sir,

Your much obliged humble servant, J. R. YOUNG.

Kent-road, 2d May, 1818.

To the Editor of the European Magazine.

SIR,

Yolution to a Problem proposed OUR insertion of the following by Mr. Young, in the April Number of your valuable Work, will much oblige A CONSTANT READER. Highgate, 20th May, 1818.

THE side of a cube circumscribing a sphere, is equal to the diameter of the sphere.

Then let a = the diameter of the

sphere;

the side of a cube inscribed in it.

me to beg the favour, should you have room in your next, to lay before your mathematical readers the following

QUESTION.

On the 21st of June, 1817, a person in latitude 51° 24' N. and longitude 48° 27′ W. took the sun's altitude at a certain hour in the morning, and at the same instant its altitude was taken by another observer situated in lat. 10° 37' S. long. 48° 27' W. and found to be exactly of the altitude taken at the former place. Required the sun's altitude at both places, and the exact time of observation, the sun's declination being 23° 28'? NAUTICUS.

a2

3

Vas

3

Hence the square root of the third part of the square of the side of a cube circumscribing a sphere, is equal to the side of a cube inscribed in the sphere. Q. E. D. ad infinitum.

myself of your indulgence in trespassing again upon your valuable time, by a few remarks on the best mode to be adopted for preventing their progress. The great fatality, the rapid and exten sive progress, which marked pestilential fevers in former times, appear to have arisen from the want of that knowledge of the nature of contagion, and of the laws which it observes in its propaga tion, which we at this day possess. The great mortality of the Athenian pesti

SIR,

YOUR willingness to insert in your

valuable Magazine every thing connected with science, or the promotion of useful knowledge, has induced

tion committed by the pestis of Livy, so fatal on many occasions to Rome; the dreadful ravages to which the world was devoted by the plague, so learnedly described by Procopius, and more con

cisely, but aptly, by Evagrius, commencing in the reign of Justinian, and continuing for fifty-two years, are well known to those who have turned over the pages of historical records. The coincidence is not a little remarkable, that this long period was one of great general distress; Italy was constantly harassed by the Goths and Vandals, and the Persians were sorely pressing the empire in the East. At periods more near our own times, the impression made on the reader by the perusal of the deaths caused by pestilential diseases generally in Europe, and in our own country, down to the great fire of 1666, is not easily obliterated from the mind. The same febrile destruction is, passibus æquis, advancing to our own thresholds, and threatens to enter the penetralia of all our domestic habitations:-to be wavering and circumscribed in the means necessary for the extensive application of remedies to so gigantic an evil, may prove fatal to the best hopes of the country. But, Sir, it is one thing to diminish the malignancy and check the progress of pestilence, and another to annihilate the very seeds, the seminis incunabula contagiosi, which regenerate, flourish, and again paralyze the manly strength of the Empire. The subject, therefore, naturally divides itself into two branches; viz. the removal of the local and the annihilation of the general causes, as far as the conditon of the country will admit of it. You will recollect, Sir, these local causes were enumerated in my former letter-their removal and prevention of recurrence will be fully accomplished by SEPARATION-CLEANLINESS-and VENTILA

TION.

Neither time nor space is allowed me for enlarging upon these means. I will briefly observe, that SEPARATION is essentially useful, not only by a removal to a more airy situation, but by the prevention of the frequent injudicious communication of friends, by which the contagion is kept up-Cleanliness removes that putrefactive filth which continues to contaminate the air-and VENTILATION dilutes the contagious air of the apartments, so that it becomes less noxious, or not at all hurtful to persons obliged to breathe it. These three great and efficient means, religiously attended to, will render unnecessary, in by far the majority of instances, the process of fumigation;

and without them, this process will have as little avail as any superstitious rites which were ever performed to exorcise the demons of contagion. I must add a few words more on ventilation, or the free admission of the uncontaminated winds of heaven. The most deadly poison, Sir, may be taken with impunity, when largely diluted; and in a given quantity, when not diluted, with only temporary, but perhaps great ineonvenience. So it is with contagious miasma, the free admission of fresh air so dilutes the infectious poison, as that it may be breathed with perfect impunity by persons at a certain distance from the infected subject: but what quantity or dose of this poison is necessary to produce the fever, is a matter of curious research, and depends upon a variety of circumstances which cannot be entered upon here. It has been ascertained, however, with some degree of precision, that contagion is not hurtful at a certain short distance from the diseased person, and that physicians, clergymen, and others, upon whom other concurrent causes are not operating, may with safety perform their duties to the sick, by keeping without this contagious sphere. A separate ward, therefore, in any hospital airily situated, may with perfect safely be appropriated for the reception of cases of infectious fevers; for the contagion loses its concentrated malignancy and infecting quality when it proceeds to a certain distance from its source, by being largely diluted with pure and wholesome air.*

I must now, Sir, advert, with unquiet feelings, to the more general causesunquiet, on account of the many difficulties which oppose their ready removal. I allude to the helpless condition of the unemployed population of the country creating those circumstances by which the malignancy of the local causes is SO powerfully increased. These separately existing, will always produce fevers of a troublesome kind; but when they concur with the former, their force is continued and fatal. I have just received the Report of the House of Commons on the Contagions Fevers of Ireland, ordered to be printed on the 8th instant. It is

*The country is very much indebted to that philanthropic physician, Dr. Haygarth, of Bath, for many valuable facts on this important subject,

some satisfaction, although a lament able circumstance, to learn, that I was correct in the position I had laid down, that, to the consequences of the unemployed condition of the people, the origin of the existing epidemic is very much owing. "It is quite evident," says the Report from Ireland to the House, "that fever will prevail to a greater or less degree while these predisposing causes continue to operate so extensively, and that we must look beyond medical judgment and medical exertions for palliating or removing the present heavy affliction."

These consequences, as predisposing and co-operating causes of fever, have been already stated and confirmed from historical experience, and their permanent removal can only be effected by the vigorous employment of the population. I need scarcely observe what direful effect crowds of indolent, squalid, and desponding people, huddled together in confined habitations, must have in the generation of contagion; and then wandering about under every anxiety of mind, sinking under cheerless fatigue, and exposed to inclement weather, without sufficient nourishment and clothing, in quest of employment. If, Sir, the sources of productive labour at home are already so occupied, that ingenuity cannot discover additional means for employment, then it would seem, that the encouragement of colonization, in countries where the situation and soil afford facilities for agricultural and commercial enterprise, connected with the mother country, would be a judicious measure-an industrious population would not then be Fost-resources of virtuous industry, of vigorous health, and of individual and general advantage, would be multiplied. Better, therefore, that the maternal state should be relieved by such means, than that her best artisans, mechanics, and peasantry, should be wasted by pestilential disease. This branch of political economy, as at present connected with the existing fever, has forced itself upon the attention of the profession. It will most probably employ the deliberative thoughts, sagacity, and

"Under such ciscumstances, mere me

dical aid will not be sufficient: the great engine of Government must move with its cooperation in assisting the medical means." -See Dr. Yeats's first Letter, page 414.

serious consideration, as his more im-
mediate object, of the political eco-
nomist. I fear I am travelling out of
my record; but I have ventured to
address you, currente calamo, and I
may be passing my professional line
of demarcation, and, what is of more
consequence,
In commoda publica peccem

Si longo sermone morer tua tempora.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
With respect and esteem,
Your faithful and obedient servant,
G. D. YEATS, M.D.

Queen-street, May-fair,
May 21, 1818.

ON THE POLITIC INSTITUTIONS OF GREAT BRITAIN.

On the eve of a dissolution of the Imperial Parliament of Britain (properly so styled), at the era of the promise from the associated Throne of Poland, of the noble Emperor of Rus sia, to establish limited Monarchy, and a Representative System for all the great extent and various nations of his Great Empire; and with the creditable exhibition of our expiring House of Commons (on the 2d of this month), in talent, argument, and manner of conclusion, we are irresistibly drawn to the contemplation of "Political Constitutions," in their elements, and influence on the improvement, stability and ease, virtue and happiness, of the whole population.

When the chimera of theory, and the impossibility of practice of Universal Suffrage and Annual Election of a deliberative legislation, for an Empire spread out into the four quarters of the globe, are proposed and advocated, it may be useful to advert, that even Rousseau, that champion of natural liberty and equality, admits the "legitimacy" of more than one form of Goverument; excludes only the despotic ; and proves, that the Monarchic Constitution, tempered by the security of national laws, consented to by the People, through their representatives, is not only a legitimate form, but the best of them all. His eloquent and youthful eulogist, De Stael, more than thirty-five years ago, in the very focus of the rising revolutions of France, displays and agrees in this sentiment, which was also that of Montesquieu; nor did Voltaire "dream" of any

other; nor, I think, our own politic innovator, and ingenious philologist, Horne Tooke; it is however true, that some disciples may come to be more knowing than their teachers.

The history and experience of more than 4000 years, and of all the great Countries of the Old and New World, with few though some splendid exceptions, shew the prevalence of the supreme Government of one; the moral and humble imitation of the Divine Rule, in the sympathy and association of the paternal controul and pro tection.

It is, without doubt, the purest form in conception, and the simplest in practice. The errors or oppression of one, can never multiply, or extend so far, as those of many, with an equal power. The Monarchical, it is agreed, is preferable to the Aristocratical Rule in Supremacy.

The human faculty has never, at one spring, passed from the savage and uncultivated to the civil and politic conditions. All our advances have been made by the progressions of a gradual improvement, or of a slow reform; or through the violent and protracted contentions of a revolutionary phrenzy, in modes of religion, or forms of govern

"For forms of Government, let fools contest,

Whate'er is best administer'd, is best." Chance and necessity, force or suffering, have at all times, hitherto, had more influence on civil institutions, than cool reflection, or meditative wisdom.

Of the paternal form of Monarchy, in the rule of States, the vice among simple people, and of ruder times, has been, too often, a despotism of absoJute and capricious power: Christianity, and the increase of knowledge, with the study of the classical institutions and free opinions of Greece and of Rome, have long opposed effectual barriers to this encroachment, in the person of the Monarch; in the last century of years, the danger of this propensity has been felt or feared in the Ministers of his power.

In the comparison of the institutions of nations, the happy curiosity ("cu riosa felicitas") of the British Consti

tution has been the result, as it now stands, of time, circumstance, and accidents, much more than of theory or abstraction. The contest with the intolerance, civil tyranny, and mental oppressions, of the Romish Church, and Papal Power, opened the way to much of our present condition.

With the politic necessity of Civil Rule is happily blended the moral and reasonable principle of Law-the rule alike of government and of obedience; of the Monarch and the Subject; the restraint of the Executive; and the guide of the Legislative and Judicial Functions.

"The Sovereignty of the People," -if it mean the Supremacy of the Laws, which have been made and agreed to by the best wisdom of the Monarch and the People, through the free deliberations and public voice of their freely-chosen Representatives, is a correct expres sion. If it be taken to mean the Executive, Administrative, Legislative, or Judicial exercise of power, by the People, or the populace, it is utter nonsense, or culpable treason to society-the thing is quite impossible, consistently with any permanence, security, peace, or ease, in the social State.

Manners and babits, the customs of society, or the religious belief or persuasions of men, have no necessary connexion with the form or the administration of civil politic Government; but as these have grown up commonly together, and have bad influence mutually in raising and supporting each other, the alliance between Church and State, between religious opinion and politic establishment, bas, ever since the Christian era, and its conflicts, with opposing dogmas, or its own differing sects, been inevitable; the influence and jealousy of a majority of either of the two great modern differences of doctrine, the Catholic and Protestant, have been exercised with more or less of intolerance and disqualification by both with advantage, religious or political, to neither.. Without persecution, which has been mutual, the Catholic could have softened the differences of the fifteenth century, or would himself long since have outgrown many of his errors and superstitions; without the obstinacy and aggravation, which contention provokes, the Protestant might have withdrawn some of his devo tion of St. Athanasius; and the Unita