Medici, fet over us by the divine vengeance for our fins, I can be capable of no other defign or enjoyment, than to delight and be delighted in the company of fo many choice and virtuous perfons, who now affemble themselves with all security, under the happy and hopeful reign of our new prince Cofimo; and we may fay that tho' our commonwealth be not reftored our flavery is at an end, and that he coming in by our own choice, may prove, if I have as good skill in prophefying as I have had formerly, ancestor to many renowned princes, who will govern this flate in great quietness, and with great clemency; fo that our pofterity is like to enjoy eafe and fecurity, tho' not that greatness, wealth and glory by which our city hath for fome years past, even in the most factious and tumultuous times of our democracy, given law to Italy, and bridled the ambition of foreign princes. But that I may avoid the loquacity incident to old men, I will come to the business. If I remember well, the exceptions that are taken to thofe poor things I have published, are reducible to three.

First, That in all my writings I infinuate my great affections to the democratical government, even so much as to undervalue that of monarchy in respect of it, which laft I do not obfcurely in many poffages teach, and as it were, perfuade the people to throw off.

Next,

Next, That in fome places I vent very great im→ pieties, flighting and vilifying the church as author of all the mifgovernment in the world, and by fuch contempt make way for atheism and profaneness.

And lastly, That in my book of the prince, 1 teach monarchs all the execrable villanies that can be invented, and instruct them how to break faith, and to opprefs and to enslave their fubjects.

1 fhall answer fomething to every one of these; and that I may obferve a right method, will begin with the first.

I fhall fpeak to that which is indeed fit to be wiped off, and which, if it were true, would not ́ only justly expofe me to the hatred and vengeance of God and all good men, but even destroy the defign and purpose of all my writings; which is to treat in fome fort, as well as one of my fmall parts can hope to do, of the politicks: And how can any man pretend to write concerning policy, who deftroys the most effential part of it, which is obedience to all governments? It will be very eafy then for Guilio Salviati, or any other member of our fociety, to believe the proteftation I make, That the animating of private men, either dire&ly or indirectly, to dif obey, much less to Jhake off any government, how

defpotical foever, was never in my thoughts or writings. Those who are unwilling to believe this, may take the pains to affign in any of my books, the paffages they imagine to tend that way, (for I can think of none myself) that fo I may give fuch perfon more particular fatisfaction.

I must confefs I have a difcourfe in one of my. books to encourage the Italian nation, to affume. their antient valour, and to expel the Barbarians, meaning, as the antient Romans use the word, all ftrangers from among us: but that was before the kings of Spain had quiet poffeffion of the kingdom of Naples, or the emperor of the dutchy of Milan; fo that I could not be interpreted to mean that the people of those two dominions should be stirred up to shake off their princes because they were foreigners, fince at that time Ludovic Sforza was in poffeffion of the one, and king Frederick reftored to the other, both natives of Italy. But my defign was to exhort our countrymen not to fuffer this province to be the scene of the arms and ambition of Charles VIII, or K. Lewis his fucceffor, who when they had a mind to renew the old title of the houfe of Anjou to the kingdom of Naples, came with fuch force into Italy, that not only our goods were plundered, and our lands wafted, but even the liberty of our cities and government

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endangered; but to unite and oppose them, and to keep this province in the hands of princes of our own nation, this my intention is fo visible in the chapter itself, that I need but refer you to it. Yet, that I may not answer this imputation barely by denying, I fhall affert in this place what my principles are in that which the world calls REBELLION; which I believe to be not only a rifing in arms against any government we live under, but acknowledge that word to extend to all clandeftine confpiracies too, by which the peace and quiet of any country may be interrupted, and by consequence the lives and elates of innocent perfons endangered. REBELLION then fo defcribed, I held to be the gre teft cime that can be committed among men, both against policy, morality and in foro c nfcientiæ; but notwithstanding all this, it is an offence which will be committed whilst the world lafts, as often as princes tyrannize, and by enflaving and depreffing their fubje&ts, make magiftracy, which was intended for the benefit of mankind, prove a plague and destruction to it: for let the terror and the guilt be never fo great, it is impoffible that human nature, which confifts in paffion as well as virtue, can fupport with patience and fubmiffion the greateft eruelty and injuftice, whenever either the weaknefs of their princes, the unanimity of the people, or any other favourable

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vourable accident, fhall give them reasonable hopes to mend their condition, and provide better for their own intereft by infurrection. So that princes and ftates ought in the conduct of their affairs not only to confider what their people are bound to submit to, if they were infpired from heaven, or were all moral philofophers; but to weigh likewife what is probable de facto to fall out in this corrupt. age of the world, and to reflect upon thofe dangerous tumults which have happened frequently, not only upon of preffion, but even by reafon of malverfation, and how fome monarchies have been wholly fubverted and changed into democracies by the tyranny of their princes; as we fee, to fay nothing of Rome, the powerful cantons of Switzerland brought by that means, a little before the laft age, to a confiderable commonwealth, courted and fought to by all the potentates in Chriftendom. If princes will feriously confider this matter, I make no question but they will rule with clemency and moderation, and return to that excellent maxim of the antients, almoft exploded in this age, That the interest of kings and of their prople is the fame: Which truth has been the whole defign of my writings to convince them of.

Now having gone thus far in the defcription. of REBELLION, I think myself obliged to tell you