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his children-may every man who has a sense of the blessings for which he is indebted to the form of government under which he lives, see that the time is come at which his decision must be taken, and, when once taken, steadfastly acted upon-for or against the institutions of the British monarchy! The time is come at which there

is but that line of demarkation. On which side of that line we, gentlemen, shall range ourselves, our choice has long ago been made. In acting upon that our common choice, with my best efforts and exertions, I shall at once faithfully represent your sentiments, and satisfy my own judgment and conscience.

SPEECH

OF MR. CANNING, DELIVERED AT PLYMOUTH, IN THE YEAR 1823.

INTRODUCTION.

MR. CANNING having visited Plymouth and inspected the Dock-yards in 1823, the freedom of the town was presented him through the Mayor and other public officers. He returned thanks in the following speech, which was much admired at the time not only for the political views which it expressed, but especially for his beautiful allusion to the ships in ordinary as an emblem of England while reposing in the quietude of peace.

SPEECH, &c.

MR. MAYOR AND GENTLEMEN,-I accept with thankfulness, and with greater satisfaction than I can express, this flattering testimony of your good opinion and good will. I must add that the value of the gift itself has been greatly enhanced by the manner in which your worthy and honorable Recorder has developed the motives which suggested it, and the sentiments which it is intended to convey.

subject to

The views of a of should be confued to the inter

British politician

can

ests of Great

Gentlemen, the end which I confess I have al ways had in view, and which appears to me the legitimate object pursuit to a British statesman, I describe in one word. The lan- Britain. guage of modern philosophy is wisely and dif fusely benevolent; it professes the perfection of our species, and the amelioration of the lot of all mankind. Gentlemen, I hope that my heart beats Gentlemen, your recorder has said very truly, as high for the general interest of humanity—I The life of ev that whoever in this free and enlight-hope that I have as friendly a disposition toward ery public man ened state, aims at political eminence, other nations of the earth, as any one who vaunts scrutiny. and discharges political duties, must his philanthropy most highly; but I am contentexpect to have his conduct scrutinized, and ev-ed to confess that, in the conduct of political afery action of his public life sifted with no ordi- fairs, the grand object of my contemplation is the nary jealousy, and with no sparing criticism; and interest of England. such may have been my lot as much as that of other public men. But, gentlemen, unmerited obloquy seldom fails of an adequate, though perhaps tardy, compensation. I must think myself, as my honorable friend has said, eminently fortunate, if such compensation as he describes has fallen to me at an earlier period than to many others; if I dare flatter myself (as his partiality has flattered me), that the sentiments that you are kind enough to entertain for me, are in unison with those of the country; if, in addition to the justice done me by my friends, I may, as he has assured me, rely upon a candid construction, even from political opponents.

Success depends

But, gentlemen, the secret of such a result does not lie deep. It consists only in on very simple an honest and undeviating pursuit principles. of what one conscientiously believes to be one's public duty—a pursuit which, steadily continued, will, however detached and separate parts of a man's conduct may be viewed under the influence of partialities or prejudices, obtain for it, when considered as a whole, the approbation of all honest and honorable minds. Any man may occasionally be mistaken as to the means most conducive to the end which he has in view; but if the end be just and praiseworthy, it is by that he will be ultimately judged, either by his contemporaries or by posterity.

selfishness.

Not, gentlemen, that the interest of England is an interest which stands isolated and This involves alone. The situation which she holds no principle of forbids an exclusive selfishness; her prosperity must contribute to the prosperity of other nations, and her stability to the safety of the world. But intimately connected as we are with the system of Europe, it does not follow that we are, therefore, called upon to mix ourselves on every occasion, with a restless and meddling act ivity, in the concerns of the nations which surround us. It is upon a just balance of conflicting duties, and of rival, but sometimes incompatible advantages, that a government must judge when to put forth its strength, and when to husband it for occasions yet to come.

great ultimate

Our ultimate object must be the peace of the world. That object may sometimes The peace of be best attained by prompt exertions the worldtate -sometimes by abstinence from in- object. terposition in contests which we can not prevent. It is upon these principles that, as has been most truly observed by my worthy friend, it did not appear to the government of this country to be necessary that Great Britain should mingle in the recent contest between France and Spain.

Your worthy recorder has accurately classed the persons who would have driven us into that contest. There were undoubtedly among them

those who desired to plunge this country into the now reposing on their shadows in perfect stillness difficulties of war, partly from the hope that those how soon, upon any call of patriotism, or of difficulties would overwhelm the administration; necessity, it would assume the likeness of an anibut it would be most unjust not to admit that mated thing, instinct with life and motion—how there were others who were actuated by nobler soon it would ruffle, as it were, its swelling plumprinciples and more generous feelings, who would age-how quickly it would put forth all its beauty have rushed forward at once from the sense of and its bravery, collect its scattered elements of indignation at aggression, and who deemed that strength, and awaken its dormant thunder. Such no act of injustice could be perpetrated from one as is one of these magnificent machines when end of the universe to the other, but that the springing from inaction into a display of its sword of Great Britain should leap from its scab-might-such is England herself, while, apparentbard to avenge it. But as it is the province of ly passive and motionless, she silently concentrates law to control the excess even of laudable pas- the power to be put forth on an adequate occasion.* sions and propensities in individuals, so it is the But God forbid that that occasion should arise. duty of government to restrain within due bounds After a war sustained for near a quarter of a centhe ebullition of national sentiment, and to regu- tury-sometimes single-handed, and with all Eulate the course and direction of impulses which it rope arranged at times against her, or at her side, can not blame. Is there any one among the latter England needs a period of tranquillity, and may class of persons described by my honorable friend enjoy it without fear of misconstruction. Long (for to the former I have nothing to say) who con- may we be enabled, gentlemen, to improve the tinues to doubt whether the government did wise- blessings of our present situation, to cultivate the ly in declining to obey the precipitate enthusiasm arts of peace, to give to commerce, now revivwhich prevailed at the commencement of the ing, greater extension, and new spheres of emcontest in Spain ?1 Is there any body who does ployment, and to confirm the prosperity now not now think that it was the office of govern- generally diffused throughout this island. Of ment to examine more closely all the various the blessing of peace, gentlemen, I trust that bearings of so complicated a question, to consider this borough, with which I have now the honor whether they were called upon to assist a united and happiness of being associated, will receive nation, or to plunge themselves into the internal an ample share. I trust the time is not far disfeuds by which that nation was divided-to aid tant, when that noble structure of which, as I in repelling a foreign invader, or to take part in learn from your Recorder, the box with which a civil war? Is there any man that does not now you have honored me, through his hands, formed see what would have been the extent of burdens a part, that gigantic barrier against the fury of that would have been cast upon this country? the waves that roll into your harbor, will protect Is there any one who does not acknowledge that, a commercial marine not less considerable in its under such circumstances the enterprise would kind than the warlike marine of which your port have been one to be characterized only by a term has been long so distinguished an asylum, when borrowed from that part of the Spanish literature the town of Plymouth will participate in the comwith which we are most familiar-Quixotic; an mercial prosperity as largely as it has hitherto enterprise romantic in its origin, and thankless done in the naval glories of England. in the end?

But while we thus control even our feelings by our duty, let it not be said that we But pence should be cultivate peace either because we fear, Bought by being ready or because we are unprepared for war; for war. on the contrary, if eight months ago the government did not hesitate to proclaim that the country was prepared for war, if war should be unfortunately necessary, every month of peace that has since passed has but made us so much the more capable of exertion. The resources created by peace are means of war. In cherishing those resources, we but accumulate those means. Our present repose is no more a proof of inability to act, than the state of inertness and inactivity in which I have seen those mighty masses that float in the waters above your town, is a proof that they are devoid of strength, and incapable of being fitted out for action. You well know, gentlemen, how soon one of those stupendous masses,

I See this subject explained in the introduction to Mr. Brougham's speech respecting it, page 904.

a It will interest the reader to compare this pas sage with one conceived in the same spirit by the poet Campbell, on the launching of a ship of the line. of the launching of a ship of the line will perhaps "Those who have ever witnessed the spectacle forgive me for adding this to the examples of the sublime objects of artificial life. Of that spectacle I can never forget the impression, and of having wit nessed it reflected from the faces of ten thousand spectators. They seem yet before me--I sympathize with their deep and silent expectation, and with their final burst of enthusiasm. It was not a vulgar joy, but an affecting national solemnity. When the vast bulwark sprang from her cradle, the calm water on which she swung majestically round, gave the imagination a contrast of the stormy element on which

she was soon to ride. All the days of battle, and the nights of danger which she had to encounterall the ends of the earth which she had to visit-and all that she had to-do and to suffer for her country, rose in awful presentiment before the mind; and when the heart gave her a benediction, it was like one pronounced on a living being."-Essay on English Poetry.

SPEECH

OF MR. CANNING ON AFFORDING AID TO PORTUGAL WHEN INVADED FROM SPAIN, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, DECEMBER 12, 1826.

INTRODUCTION.

ENGLAND had been for nearly two centuries the ally and protector of Portugal, and was bound to defend her when attacked.

In 1826, a body of absolutists, headed by the Queen Dowager and the Marquess of Chaves, attempted to destroy the existing Portuguese government, which had been founded on the basis of constitutional liberty. This government had been acknowledged by England, France, Austria, and Russia. It was, however, obnoxious to Ferdinand, king of Spain; and Portugal was invaded from the Spanish territory by large bodies of Portuguese absolutists, who had been there organized with the connivance, if not the direct aid, of the Spanish government.

The Portuguese government now demanded the assistance of England. Five thousand troops were, therefore, instantly ordered to Lisbon, and Mr. Canning came forward in this speech to explain the reasons of his prompt intervention. "This," says his biographer, "is the master-piece of his eloquence. In propriety and force of diction-in excellence of appropriate and well-methodized arrangement-in elevation of style and sentiment; and in all the vigorous qualities of genuine manly eloquence-boldness-judgment -firmness, it fully sustains its title to the high eulogy given it by Mr. Brougham at the close of the debate."

Design of the

SPEECH, &c.
ed.

MR. SPEAKER. In proposing to the House of Commons to acknowledge, by an humspeaker. ble and dutiful address, his Majesty's most gracious message, and to reply to it in terms which will be, in effect, an echo of the sentiments and a fulfillment of the anticipations of that message, I feel that, however confident I may be in the justice, and however clear as to the policy of the measures therein announced, it becomes me, as a British minister, recommending to Parliament any step which may approximate this country even to the hazard of a war, while I explain the grounds of that proposal, to accompany my explanation with expressions of regret.

tertained of the

I can assure the House, that there is not withHigh sense en- in its walls any set of men more deepimportance of ly convinced than his Majesty's minpeace. isters-nor any individual more intimately persuaded than he who has now the honor of addressing you-of the vital importance of the continuance of peace to this country and to the world. So strongly am I impressed with this opinion-and for reasons of which I will put the House more fully in possession before I sit down -that I declare there is no question of doubtful or controverted policy—no opportunity of present national advantage-no precaution against remote difficulty-which I would not gladly compromise, pass over, or adjourn, rather than call on Parliament to sanction, at this moment, any measure which had a tendency to involve the country in war. But, at the same time, sir, I feel that which has been felt, in the best times of English history, by the best statesmen of this country, and by the Parliaments by whom those statesmen were supported-I feel that there are two causes, and but two causes, which can not be either compromised, passed over, or adjourn

But national demand the

These causes are, adherence to the national faith, and regard for the national honor. Sir, if I did not consider both these causes as involved in the proposition which I have this day to make to you, I should faith and honor not address the House, as I now do, proposed meas in the full and entire confidence that ures. the gracious communication of his Majesty will be met by the House with the concurrence of which his Majesty has declared his expectation.

gations to

In order to bring the matter which I have to submit to you, under the cognizance of Part First. the House, in the shortest and clearest Treaty obli manner, I beg leave to state it, in the Portugal. first instance, divested of any collateral considerations. It is a case of law and of fact of national law on the one hand, and of notorious fact on the other; such as it must be, in my opinion, as impossible for Parliament, as it was for the government, to regard in any but one light; or to come to any but one conclusion upon it.

Early origin

gations.

Among the alliances by which, at different periods of our history, this country has been connected with the other nations of those obliof Europe, none is so ancient in origin, and so precise in obligation-none has continued so long, and been observed so faithfully-of none is the memory so intimately interwoven with the most brilliant records of our triumphs, as that by which Great Britain is connected with Portugal. It dates back to distant centuries; it has survived an endless variety of fortunes. Anterior in existence to the accession of the house of Braganza to the throne of Portugal-it derived, however, fresh vigor from that event; and never, from that epoch to the present hour, has the independent monarchy of Portugal ceased to be nurtured by the friendship of Great Britain. This alliance

felt that they ought to be

has never been seriously interrupted; but it has | Portugal. That convention, I say, was contembeen renewed by repeated sanctions. It has been maintained under difficulties by which the fidelity of other alliances were shaken, and has been vindicated in fields of blood and of glory. That the alliance with Portugal has been alNo one has ever ways unqualifiedly advantageous to this country-that it has not been broken off. sometimes inconvenient and sometimes burdensome-I am not bound nor prepared to maintain. But no British statesman, so far as I know, has ever suggested the expediency of shaking it off; and it is assuredly not at a moment of need that honor and, what I may be allowed to call national sympathy, would permit us to weigh, with an over-scrupulous exactness, the amount of difficulties and dangers attendant upon its faithful and steadfast observance. What feelings of national honor would forbid, is forbidden alike by the plain dictates of national faith.

poraneous with the migration to the Brazils; a step of great importance at the time, as removing from the grasp of Bonaparte the sovereign family of Braganza. Afterward, in the year 1810, when the seat of the King of Portugal's government was established at Rio de Janeiro, and when it seemed probable, in the then apparently hopeless condition of the affairs of Europe, that it was likely long to continue there, the secret convention of 1807, of which the main object was accomplished by the fact of the emigra tion to Brazil, was abrogated, and a new and public treaty was concluded, into which was transferred the stipulation of 1807, binding Great Britain, so long as his faithful Majesty should be compelled to reside in Brazil, not to acknowledge any other sovereign of Portugal than a member of the house of Braganza. That stipulation which had hitherto been secret, thus became patent, and part of the known law of nations.

In the year 1814, in consequence of the happy conclusion of the war, the option was afford

European dominions. It was then felt that, as the necessity of his most faithful Majesty's absence from Portugal had ceased, the ground for the obligation originally contracted in the secret convention of 1807, and afterward transferred to the patent treaty of 1810, was removed. The treaty of 1810 was, therefore, annulled at the Congress of Vienna; and in lieu of the stipulation not to acknowledge any other sovereign of Portugal than a member of the house of Braganza, was substituted that which I have just read to the House.

It is not at distant periods of history, and in Solemnly re by-gone ages only, that the traces of newed in 1815. the union between Great Britain and Portugal are to be found. In the last compacted to the King of Portugal of returning to his of modern Europe, the compact which forms the basis of its present international law-I mean the treaty of Vienna of 1815-this country, with its eyes open to the possible inconveniences of the connection, but with a memory awake to its past benefits, solemnly renewed the previously existing obligations of alliance and amity with Portugal. I will take leave to read to the House the third article of the treaty concluded at Vienna, in 1815, between Great Britain on the one hand, and Portugal on the other. It is couched in the following terms: "The treaty of Alliance, conIcluded at Rio de Janeiro, on the 19th of February, 1810, being founded on circumstances of a temporary nature, which have happily ceased to exist, the said treaty is hereby declared to be void in all its parts, and of no effect; without prejudice, however, to the ancient treaties of alliance, friendship, and guarantee, which have so long and so happily subsisted between the two Crowns, and which are hereby renewed by the high contracting parties, and acknowledged to be of full force and effect."

Circumstances

In order to appreciate the force of this stipulation-recent in point of time, reconnected with cent, also, in the sanction of Parliathat renewal. ment-the House will, perhaps, allow me to explain shortly the circumstances in reference to which it was contracted. In the year 1807, when, upon the declaration of Bonaparte, that the house of Braganza had ceased to reign, the King of Portugal, by the advice of Great Britain, was induced to set sail for the Brazils; almost at the very moment of his most faithful Majesty's embarkation, a secret convention was signed between his Majesty and the King of Portugal, stipulating that, in the event of his most faithful Majesty's establishing the seat of his government in Brazil, Great Britain would never acknowledge any other dynasty than that of the house of Braganza on the throne of

an

Annulling the treaty of 1810, the treaty of Vienna renews and confirms (as the House will have seen) all former treaties between Great Britain and Portugal, describing them as cient treaties of alliance, friendship, and guaran tee;" as having "long and happily subsisted between the two Crowns ;" and as being allowed, by the two high contracting parties, to remain "in full force and effect."

is.

What, then, is the force-what is the effect of those ancient treaties? I am pre- England bound, pared to show to the House what it not by this, but by previous But before I do so, I must say, treaties to protect Portugal that if all the treaties to which this article of the treaty of Vienna refers, had perished by some convulsion of nature, or had by some extraordinary accident been consigned to total oblivion, still it would be impossible not to admit, as an incontestible inference from this article of the treaty of Vienna alone, that in a moral point of view, there is incumbent on Great Britain, a decided obligation to act as the effectual defender of Portugal. If I could not show the letter of a single antecedent stipulation, I should still contend that a solemn admission, only ten years old, of the existence at that time of "treaties of alliance, friendship, and guarantee," held Great Britain to the discharge of the obligations which that very description implies. But fortunately

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two treaties.

there is no such difficulty in specifying the na- | of the treaties which I have quoted, it is possible ture of those obligations. All of the preceding to raise a question-whether varia- Further discustreaties exist-all of them are of easy reference tion of circumstances or change of sion of these -all of them are known to this country, to times may not have somewhat relaxSpain, to every nation of the civilized world. ed its obligations. The treaty of 1661, it might They are so numerous, and their general result be said, was so loose and prodigal in the wordis so uniform, that it may be sufficient to select ing-it is so unreasonable, so wholly out of naonly two of them to show the nature of all. ture, that any one country should be expected to defend another, even as itself;" such stipulations are of so exaggerated a character, as to resemble effusions of feeling, rather than enunciations of deliberate compact. Again, with respect to the treaty of 1703, if the case rested on that treaty alone, a question might be raised, whether or not, when one of the contracting parties-Holland-had since so changed her relations with Portugal, as to consider her obligations under the treaty of 1703 as obsolete—whether or not, I say, under such circumstances, the obligation on the remaining party be not likewise void. I should not hesitate to answer both these objections in the negative. But without enter

The first to which I shall advert is the treaty By treaty of 1661, which was concluded at the of 1661. time of the marriage of Charles the Second with the Infanta of Portugal. After reciting the marriage, and making over to Great Britain, in consequence of that marriage, first, a considerable sum of money, and, secondly, several important places, some of which, as Tangier, we no longer possess; but others of which, as Bombay, still belong to this country, the treaty runs thus: "In consideration of all which grants, so much to the benefit of the King of Great Britain and his subjects in general, and of the delivery of those important places to his said Majesty and his heirs forever, &c., the King of Great Britain does pro-ing into such a controversy, it is sufficient for me fess and declare, with the consent and advice of his council, that he will take the interest of Portugal and all its dominions to heart, defending the same with his utmost power by sea and land, even as England itself;" and it then proceeds to specify the succors to be sent, and the manner of sending them.

of 1703.

But

General in

ference as to treaty obli

to say that the time and place for taking such objections was at the Congress at Vienna. Then and there it was that if you, indeed, considered these treaties as obsolete, you ought frankly and fearlessly to have declared them to be so. then and there, with your eyes open, and in the face of all modern Europe, you proclaimed anew I come next to the treaty of 1703, a treaty of the ancient treaties of alliance, friendship, and By treaty alliance cotemporaneous with the Me- guarantee, "so long subsisting between the thuen treaty, which has regulated, for up- Crowns of Great Britain and Portugal," as still ward of a century, the commercial relations of " acknowledged by Great Britain," and still "of the two countries. The treaty of 1703 was a full force and effect." It is not, however, on spetripartite engagement between the States Gen-cific articles alone-it is not so much, eral of Holland, England, and Portugal. The perhaps, on either of these ancient treatsecond article of that treaty sets forth, that "Ifies, taken separately, as it is on the spir- gations. ever it shall happen that the Kings of Spain and it and understanding of the whole body of treatFrance, either the present or the future, that bothies, of which the essence is concentrated and preof them together, or either of them separately, served in the treaty of Vienna, that we acknowlshall make war, or give occasion to suspect that edge in Portugal a right to look to Great Britain they intend to make war upon the kingdom of as her ally and defender. Portugal, either on the continent of Europe, or on its dominions beyond the seas; her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, and the Lords the States General, shall use their friendly offices with the said Kings, or either of them, in order to persuade them to observe the terms of peace toward Portugal, and not to make war upon it." The third article declares, "That in the event of these good offices not proving successful, but altogether ineffectual, so that war should be made by the aforesaid Kings, or by either of them upon Portugal, the above-mentioned powers of Great Britain and Holland shall make war with all their force upon the aforesaid Kings or King who shall carry hostile arms into Portugal; and toward that war which shall be carried on in Europe, they shall supply twelve thousand men, whom they shall arm and pay, as well when in quarters as in action; and the said high allies shall be obliged to keep that number of men complete, by recruiting it from time to time at their own expense."

This protec

This, sir, being the state, morally and politically, of our obligations toward Port- Part Second. ugal, it is obvious that when Portugal, tion now de in apprehension of the coming storm, manded. called on Great Britain for assistance, the only hesitation on our part could be-not whether that assistance was due, supposing the occasion for demanding it to arise, but simply whether that occasion-in other words, whether the casus faderis had arisen.

objections of

had to

I understand, indeed, that in some quarters it has been imputed to his Majesty's Answer to the ministers that an extraordinary delay some that the intervened between the taking of the government determination to give assistance to slowly. Portugal and the carrying of that determination into effect. But how stands the fact? On Sunday, the third of this month, we received from the Portuguese embassador a direct and formal demand of assistance against a hostile aggression from Spain. Our answer was, that although rumors had reached us through France, his MajI am aware, indeed, that with respect to either esty's government had not that accurate inform

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