Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

APRIL, 1850.]

Obsequies of the Hon. John C. Calhoun.

[31ST CONG.

seat in this chamber, his body, worn down by | surrounded throughout his whole career by disease, but his mind as vigorous as ever, we men, any one of whom would have marked an held a somewhat extended conversation on the era in the world's history, and stamped the exciting topics of the day, in which the same time in which he lived with immortality, Mr. kind feelings which had so strongly impressed CALHOUN yet won an intellectual eminence, and me in my youth, were still manifested toward commanded an admiration, which was not only me by the veteran statesman. But, sir, he is unsurpassed, but unequalled, in all its parts, by gone from among us; his voice will never any of his giant compeers. That great light is again be heard in this chamber; his active and now extinguished; a place in the Senate is vigorous mind will participate no more in our made vacant which cannot be filled. The tidcouncils; his spirit has left a world of trouble, ings have been borne upon the lightning's wings care, and anxiety, to join the spirits of those to the remotest corners of the Republic, and patriots and statesmen who have preceded him millions of freemen are now mourning with us, to a brighter and better world. If, as many over all that is left of one who was scarcely believe, the spirits of the departed hover around "lower than the angels." the places they have left, I earnestly pray that his may soon be permitted to look back upon our country, which he has left in excitement, confusion, and apprehension, restored to calmness, security, and fraternal feeling, as broad as the bounds of our Union, and as fixed as the eternal principles of justice, in which our Government has its foundation.

Mr. CLEMENS. I do not expect, Mr. President, to add any thing to what has already been said of the illustrious man whose death we all so deeply deplore; but silence upon an occasion like this would by no means meet the expectations of those whose representative I am. To borrow a figure from the Senator from Kentucky, the brightest star in the brilliant galaxy of the Union has gone out, and Alabama claims a place among the chief mourners over the event. Differing often from the great Southern statesman on questions of public policy, she has as yet always accorded due homage to his genius, and still more to that blameless purity of life which entitles him to the highest and noblest epitaph which can be graven upon a mortal tomb. For more than forty years an active participant in all the fierce struggles of party, surrounded by those corrupting influences to which the politician is so often subjected, his personal character remained not only untarnished, but unsuspected. He walked through the flames, and even the hem of his garment was unscorched. It is no part of my purpose to enter into a recital of the public acts of JOHN C. CALHOUN. It has already been partly done by his colleague; but even that, in my judgment, was unnecessary. Years after the celebrated battle of Thermopyla, a traveller, on visiting the spot, found a monument with the simple inscription, "Stranger, go tell at Lacedæmon that he died in obedience to her laws." "Why is it," he asked, "that the names of those who fell here, are not inscribed on the stone?" "Because," was the proud reply, "it is impossible that any Greek should ever forget them." Even so it is with him of whom I speak. His acts are graven on the hearts of his countrymen, and time has no power to obliterate the characters. Throughout this broad land "the meanest rill, the mightiest river, rolls mingling with his fame forever." Living, sir, in an age distinguished above all others for its intelligence,

I may be permitted, Mr. President, to express my gratification at what we have heard and witnessed this day. Kentucky has been heard through the mouth of one, who is not only her geatest statesman, but the world's greatest living orator. The great expounder of the constitution, whose massive intellect seems to comprehend and give clearness to all things beneath the sun, has spoken for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. From every quarter the voice of mourning is mingled with notes of the highest admiration. These crowded galleries, the distinguished gentlemen who fill this floor, all indicate that here have

"Bards, artists, sages, reverently met,
To waive each separating plea
Of sect, clime, party, and degree,

All honoring him on whom Nature all honor shed." The resolutions were then unanimously adopted.

The VICE PRESIDENT appointed the following as the Committee of Arrangements: Messrs. MASON, DAVIS of Mississippi, ATCHISON, DODGE of Wisconsin, DICKINSON, and GREENE.

Ordered, That the Secretary communicate these proceedings to the House of Representatives. Whereupon the Senate adjourned.

TUESDAY, April 2.

Obsequies of the Hon. John C. Calhoun. The Senate met at twelve o'clcok, for the purpose of attending the funeral obsequies of the Hon. JoHN C. CALHOUN, late a Senator in Congress from the State of South Carolina.

The galleries, and every avenue thereto, were crowded with spectators, and hundreds left the doors unable to obtain admittance.

At twelve o'clock, the House of Representatives, preceded by its officers, entered the chamber, and took seats assigned them.

Numerous officers of the army and navy, and many distinguished strangers, occupied the sofas in the lobbies.

The Supreme Court of the United States entered the chamber, and took seats at the left of the Vice President.

The President of the United States and the Cabinet soon followed; the President being

[blocks in formation]

conducted to a seat at the right of the Vice President.

The diplomatic corps, which was very fully represented, occupied seats near the centre of the chamber.

At twenty minutes past twelve, the corpse was brought into the chamber, in charge of the Committee of Arrangements, and placed immediately in front of the Secretary's desk. Several relatives and friends of the deceased, Senator BUTLER, and the South Carolina delegation of the House of Representatives, accompanied the corpse as mourners.

The Rev. C. M. Butler, Chaplain to the Senate, read the passage of Scripture, found in the 1st Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians, 15th chapter, beginning at the 20th verse, to the end of the chapter.

Mr. B. then delivered a brief discourse from the words, in the 82d Psalm, 6th and 7th

[blocks in formation]

[APRIL, 1850.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

TUESDAY, April 2.

The House was called to order by the Speaker at 12 o'clock, M.

After prayer by the Chaplain of the House, The Journal was read and approved.

The Speaker stated that, in accordance with the orders taken yesterday, the House would proceed in a body to the Senate, to unite with them in attending the funeral of the Hon. JOHN C. CALHOUN, deceased.

The Speaker accordingly left the chair, And the House, preceded by its Speaker and other officers, proceeded to the Senate. The funeral services having been performed, The House returned to its chamber, And on motion, adjourned.

IN SENATE.

THURSDAY, April 4.

Mr. Bell's Resolutions.

The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the series of resolutions submitted some time

since by Mr. BELL, which Mr. FOOTE had moved

to refer to a select committee of thirteen.

Mr. BORLAND. As my colleague desires to address the Senate on this subject, I hope the question will not now be taken, that he may have an opportunity to do so.

Mr. FOOTE. I have conversed with the Senator's colleague, and I understand that he is willing to be heard on some other measure. However, if he desires to be heard before this question is taken, I am willing to give way to him. I therefore move, sir, that the further consideration of this subject be postponed until to-morrow at one o'clock, and that it be made the special order for that hour.

Mr. WEBSTER. Mr. President, I am far from entertaining any wish to prevent the honorable member from Arkansas addressing the Senate the Senate that we have now gone through the on this topic, but I think it my duty to remind first four months of the session, and although I am willing to admit that the circumstances were such as to excuse or even justify a great deal of delay in the despatch of the public business, yet, after all, the time seems now to have come at which, with all convenient despatch, and without encroaching in any degree upon the freedom of debate, we should proceed to some action. Sir, I may be permitted to say that it will require weeks, and perhaps months, and our most deliberate attention and active co-operation in legislation, to do the things and pass the laws which will be necessary when the question of the admission of California shall be decided one way or the other. I wish therefore to say, that so far as my opinion and conduct in the Senate go, I shall endeavor to take such a course of voting and acting as may bring this question of the admission of California per se to a decision by the Senate. I am then will

APRIL, 1850.]

Mr. Bell's Resolutions.

ing to go on and take up the territorial question-the question of a government for the territories; and I may say upon the whole, that I am inclined to think it will be the best way to proceed, to take up the territorial bills and act upon them.

Sir, the honorable member from Kentucky, (Mr. CLAY,) who moved a series of resolutions on these subjects, whom I have now the honor of addressing as the occupant of the chair, will, as a matter of right, if he choose to exercise it, at a convenient hour, be entitled to reply to the remarks which have been made upon his propositions. That is a matter of courtesy due to every member of the Senate, and it is especially due to him. There is also an honorable member from Tennessee (Mr. BELL) who has brought forward a series of resolutions. He too, is entitled to be heard in reply to objections which have been suggested to his propositions. I do not mean to say that the debate should extend no further, but it is my judgment that it becomes us to consider whether we will discuss one question to-day, and another to-morrow, without coming to any result upon the great question before us.

[ocr errors]

[31ST CONG. conceal from the country-that my opinion is, that we have now come to a point upon this general subject, which every one is as well informed of as he can possibly be after any report of the committee. My opinion is, that we had better proceed to take up these subjects, beginning at the beginning. I am unwilling, I will take occasion to say-if the Senate will not consider me as too much trespassing on its attention-I am unwilling to leave any of these questions open, to be the cause of heart-burnings, and dissension, and dissatisfaction through the recess, (if we are to have any recess-which may be much doubted.) I am for acting on California, and then on the territorial bills reported to us from the Committee on Territories. I am for taking them up and voting upon them; and if any amendments are made, such as have been suggested, I am ready to vote upon any such amendments. And my opinion is, sir, that we can do nothing so important to the satisfaction of the country-nothing that will relieve men's minds from apprehension-nothing that will give such general quietude, as to act as soon as is convenient and proper upon the bill for the admission of California, and then upon the bill or bills for the creation of the territorial governments in New Mexico and the rest of the territories, and pass a bill such as the majority of the Senate shall approve. That is my judgment, and in pursuance of these opinions, and according to these opinions, will be my conduct here.

I wish this body to come to a conclusion upon California; my opinion is made up. I wish this body then to come to a conclusion upon the character of the territorial bills. I am willing to act upon them on the principles and opinions which I have already avowed; and I

Sir, as far as depends upon me, as I have said, there will be by no vote of mine any restraint upon debate at all-none at all. But I think we ought to bring the subjects so as to have a | tendency to some point-that, instead of postponing these resolutions, one or the other series, from day to day, and keeping them all open to debate, we ought pretty soon to come to a resolution to take up some measure of a practical character, and debate it till we are ready to act upon it. That is my view. The two precise questions, or the two forms in which the questions are presented, most fit I think for practical action, are the amendments moved by an hon-do apprehend, sir, an entire concurrence in orable member from Missouri (Mr. BENTON) to the resolution of an honorable member from Illinois, (Mr. DOUGLAS,) by way of amendment to that resolution, instructing the Committee on the Territories to bring in a bill for the admission of California, unconnected with any other subject; and the bill which, before we had time to come to any resolution upon that point, or to any vote upon that question, has been reported.

these opinions by a majority of this body; and my conviction is, that when these bills shall come up, and this body shall come to a decision upon them-upon what may be called the contested part of them-the majority of this body will come to a conclusion exceedingly useful to the country, in extending to it more harmony, quiet, and satisfaction.

Sir, I desire-if I may say so-to preserve the credit of this great republican Government Now, it appears to me, sir, with great defer- in the estimation of men all over the world, ence to the judgment of others, that our true I do not wish to hear it said on the other side course now is to take up the bill reported from of the Atlantic, that this great, constitutional, the Committee on Territories, for the admission free, representative Government cannot go on of California, and debate it. I mean to say that with certainty and despatch, and without impedit is our true course, in my opinion, to adopt iment; that it is liable to a great hiatus every that procedure, after the honorable member now and then; that the great principle of free from Kentucky (Mr. CLAY) and the honorable government is likely, after all, not to be so member from Tennessee (Mr. BELL) have had a satisfactorily exemplified in this great Republic proper opportunity to reply to the objections as its friends at home and abroad have fondly which have been urged against their respective hoped and predicted. I am desirous that we propositions. At the same time, I wish to say should take such a course in regard to these exto the honorable member from Mississippi, (Mr. citing questions, as will enable us to dispose of FOOTE,) that, though I have no objection to them, and to resume and go through with our come to a vote upon his proposition, yet I can-ordinary duties of legislation. And I will take not conceal from him-and I do not wish to occasion to say, sir, that I do not expect to see

18T SESS.]

Mr. Bell's Resolutions.

[APRIL, 1850.

The VICE PRESIDENT stated, that the pending question, at the adjournment yesterday, was the motion of the Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. FooTE,) to postpone the further consideration of the subject until to-morrow at 1 o'clock, and that at that time it be made the special order of the day; and on this motion the Senator from Illinois (Mr. SHIELDS) was entitled to the floor.

Mr. CLAY. That motion has exhausted itself, and is now dead.

The VICE PRESIDENT. Unless it is to operate from the day on which it may be adopted. Mr. FOOTE. Mr. President, I withdraw that motion.

harmonious legislation upon any of the subjects | by Mr. BALDWIN, to except from the reference which touch the great interests of the country so much as relates to the admission of Caliuntil this question shall be settled. There are fornia into the Union as a State. great questions-highly-important questionsfor the decision of which the country, North and South, and in the centre, have looked with great interest to the action of Congress at this session. For one, I despair of any wise, and temperate, and just legislation, until these disturbing questions be removed; and therefore I wish, that the questions that have been brought upon us by the events of the last two or three years, somewhat unexpectedly, shall be settled. I wish them to be settled upon the true principles of the Constitution of the United States. I want no new platform. I ask no new concessions on the one side or on the other-no new compromises; the constitution is enough; it is broad enough, full enough, efficient enough; The VICE PRESIDENT. The motion is withand if we can bring ourselves to act with mod-drawn; and, in that case, the Senator from eration, and temperance, and candor, and mag- Mississippi is entitled to the floor. nanimity, and I will add, with, what is equally Mr. FOOTE. Then I yield, with great pleasimportant, a fraternal regard and sympathy upon ure, to the Senator from Illinois. the questions before us, in the spirit of the constitution, we shall be able to rescue the country from its present perils. We who sit here, clothed with this high authority for the moment, are, I firmly believe, able to rescue the country from its present embarrassing condition, and to satisfy the public judgment and the public feeling of the extreme North, and the extreme South, and from one ocean to the other.

Sir, I beg the indulgence of the Senate for wandering into these general remarks. I had no intention so to do when I rose; but I must now express my sincere, deliberate conviction, that our true course is to proceed onward, step by step, with the great subjects that have been devolved on us by recent events, by the acquisitions that have been made by this Government of these great territories, and to take them up, and act upon one and all in the spirit which the Constitution of the United States prescribes to us all, enjoins upon us all, as it is our duty to conform to that spirit in all our legislation.

Well, when gentlemen shall have satisfied themselves on these propositions, and when, as I have said, the movers of the propositions shall have had ail the opportunity they desire for replying to the remarks that have been made, I shall feel it my duty to bring to the attention of the Senate practical measures, with the view to their being decided upon, one after the other, in the order in which they may have been presented.

FRIDAY, April 5.

Mr. Bell's Resolutions.

The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the special order, being Mr. FooTE's motion to refer Mr. BELL's resolutions to a committee of thirteen members the pending question being upon an amendment proposed

Mr. SHIELDS. Mr. President, it was not my intention, when this debate commenced, to take any part in it. I had not the vanity to suppose that any thing I could say, would contribute in the slightest degree to the work of conciliation; and I felt extremely anxious, if I could do no good, to abstain, at all events, from doing any injury. But sir, the discussion has become so general, and so many have participated in it, that I fear, if I remain any longer silent, my silence may be misconstrued, and my course misunderstood; and that it is due to myself, and my constituents, to make a few explanatory observations; and I promise that these observations will be the honest convictions of my mind.

The Senate, sir, has hardly yet recovered from the effects of its recent great loss. Death has bereaved this body of one of its most illustrious members. This bereavement will be long felt in this Senate, and in every city, town, and hamlet, throughout this broad land, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. Sir, one of the great lights of this continent has just been extinguished; one of the most brilliant stars of our political galaxy has disappeared forever. A star that shed its lustre, not only on the proud and noble State of South Carolina, but on this whole country, has been removed from our sight-translated, I trust, to a higher and purer region, to shine in a brighter firmament. Sir, it is with feelings subdued and deepened by this sad event, that I enter this morning upon the simple and humble duty of defining my position, and explaining the mo tives that will govern my future action in this body, upon the delicate questions now under consideration.

The State of Illinois, which I have the honor in part to represent, has thought proper to give me instructions for my guidance and government on the subject of slavery in the territories. I recognize the full right of my State

APRIL, 1850.]

Mr. Bell's Resolutions.

to give me such instructions, and I consider it to be my duty, as one of the Senators from that State, to obey them. I regard the will of my State, when fairly expressed, as a political trust, which it is my duty to discharge in good faith, if I can do so without any violation of the constitution of my country. The resolutions of the Legislature of Illinois instruct me to vote for the application of the Wilmot proviso, to all the territories acquired by the late war with Mexico. These resolutions I consider constitutional, and, as such, it is my duty to obey them. In my humble opinion the Congress of the United States has full power and authority to govern all the territories, including the District of Columbia, in all respects whatsoever, including the introduction and the exclusion of slavery, subject to no limitation or restriction, except that contained in the Constitution of the United States. In other words, I believe that Congress can exercise all governmental control over the territories, which is not in conflict with the provisions of the constitution. I cannot understand the argument I have heard urged in this chamber, that Congress can declare war, conquer a country, subjugate a people, and annex both country and people to the United States, and yet that it has no power to govern them after they have been annexed. Upon this principle Congress can destroy a government, but cannot replace it; can annex a people, but cannot govern them; can regulate a territory, but cannot regulate the people; can govern the land and the habitations, but cannot govern the inhabitants of the territories. Sir, there is something so incomprehensible in this argument, something so unreasonable in this proposition, that I cannot believe it, or accept it, on the authority of any man, however distinguished as a statesman. But I do not wish to pursue this argument any further. I have merely alluded to it for the purpose of declaring that I regard the instructions as constitutional, and that it is my duty, as well as my determination, to obey them.

Sir, in saying this, I do not wish to be understood as laying down any rule for the government of others in similar cases. I merely wish to prescribe a rule in this particular case for my own government-and that is, to obey constitutional instructions, or resign. This, I take it, is a good, honest, old-fashioned, democratic rule, upon which I can stand, and act with honor and safety.

It will be readily perceived that this restriction upon my action, will prevent me from giving my support to the proposition now under consideration, or to any compromise on the question of slavery in the territories. I am a little afraid of this committee of thirteen, any how. I hardly think it can do any good, and I am afraid it may do much injury. In my opinion, the mind of every member of this Senate has been long made up on all these questions. A great senatorial committee like

[31ST Cose. this will excite great public expectation, and if this expectation be disappointed, the effect may be extremely prejudicial.

Mr. FOOTE, (interposing.) I wish to make one single suggestion to my honorable friend, that he has misunderstood the motion which I have had the honor to present. A "compromise " is not mentioned; "adjustment " is the word. And, if he is in favor of adjusting the questions, he must go for the motion.

Mr. SHIELDS. Well, sir, I am not so critical perhaps in my knowledge of words, as my honorable friend from Mississippi, and I will change the word compromise for the word adjustment. However, in acting under the instructions of my State, I am determined to act in good faith; and, therefore, I cannot support the proposition of my honorable friend from Mississippi for what he calls the "adjustment” of these questions, or any of the propositions of compromise on this subject. But, sir, while this is the case, I am far from thinking that it is my duty, as a Senator from Illinois, knowing as I do the spirit and patriotism of the people of that State, to stand here in my place, and wage a war of fierce denunciation against this and every other proposition, which may have been matured and brought forward by the highest minds of this body, for the settlement and adjustment of our unfortunate difficulties. It would be especially unworthy of me, who have been the recipient of the generous, though perhaps unmerited sympathy of this whole country, to contribute my puny efforts in this body to widen the breach between the North and the South, and to excite the passions and prejudices of one section of this great country against another. I think I ought to be one of the last of living men to be guilty of such conduct.

1

Sir, I have seen northern men and southern men stand together shoulder to shoulder in many a struggle. I have seen northern and southern blood mingle on many a field. I have seen northern and southern men follow the glorious standard of a common country to common victory, and to many a victory. And, with all these recollections still around me, I would consider myself criminal to take advantage of my present position, to excite hate and animosity between brethren of the same country, having the same glorious history and the same common destiny, the same pride in the past and the same hope for the future; especially as I sincerely believe that the very men now engaged in this unfortunate controversy, would to-morrow, if necessary, unite in a common struggle, for their common country, against a hostile world. Sir, I have no sympathyno communion of feeling—with those men who employ their energies, in exciting and maddening one portion of their countrymen against another. I have seen and felt the ruin and wretchedness, that have followed the success of such unhallowed efforts in other lands, and

« ZurückWeiter »