pelled to remain at home. Our citizen-soldiers are unlike those drawn from the population of any other country. They are composed indiscriminately of all professions and pursuits: of farmers, lawyers, physicians, merchants, manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers; and this, not only among the officers, but the private soldiers in the ranks. Our citizen-soldiers are unlike those of any other country in other respects. They are armed, and have been accustomed, from their youth up, to handle and use fire-arms; and a large proportion of them, especially in the western and more newly settled States, are expert marksmen. They are men who have a reputation to maintain at home by their good conduct in the field. They are intelligent, and there is an individuality of character which is found in the ranks of no other army. In battle, each private man, as well as every officer, fights not only for his country, but for glory and distinction among his fellow-citizens when he shall return to civil life. The war with Mexico has demonstrated not only the ability of the Government to organize a numerous army upon a sudden call, but also to provide it with all the munitions and necessary supplies with despatch, convenience, and ease, and to direct its operations with efficiency. The strength of our institutions has not only been displayed in the valor and skill of our troops engaged in active service in the field, but in the organization of those executive branches which were charged with the general direction and conduct of the war. While too great praise cannot be bestowed upon the officers and men who fought our battles, it would be unjust to withhold from those officers necessarily stationed at home, who were charged with the duty of furnishing the army, in proper time, and at proper places, with all the munitions of war and other supplies so necessary to make it efficient, the commendation to which they are entitled. The credit due to this class of our officers is the greater, when it is considered that no army in ancient or modern times was ever better appointed or provided than our army in Mexico. Operating in an enemy's country, removed two thousand miles from the seat of the Federal Government, its different corps spread over a vast extent of territory, hundreds and even thousands of miles apart from each other, nothing short of the untiring vigilance and extraordinary energy of these officers could have enabled them to provide the army at all points, and in proper season, with all that was required for the most efficient service. It is but an act of justice to declare, that the officers in charge of the several executive bureaus, all under the immediate eye and supervision of the Secretary of War, performed their respective duties with ability, energy, and efficiency. They have reaped less of the glory of the war, not having been personally exposed to its perils in battle, than their companions in arms; but without their forecast, efficient aid, and co-operation, those in the field would not have been provided with the ample means they possessed of achieving for themselves and their country the unfading honors which they have won for both. When all these facts are considered, it may cease to be a matter of so much amazement abroad how it happened that our noble army in Mexico, regulars and volunteers, were victorious upon every battle-field, however fearful the odds against them. [DECEMBER, 1848. The war with Mexico has thus fully developed the capacity of republican Governments to prosecute successfully a just and necessary foreign war with all the vigor usually attributed to more arbitrary forms of government. It has been usual for writers on public law to impute to republics a want of that unity, concentration of purpose, and vigor of execution, which are generally admitted to belong to the monarchical and aristocratic forms; and this feature of popular government has been supposed to display itself more particularly in the conduct of a war carried on in an enemy's territory. The war with Great Britain in 1812, was to a great extent confined within our own limits, and shed but little light on this subject. But the war which we have just closed by an honorable peace, evinces beyond all doubt that a popular representative Government is equal to an emergency which is likely to arise in the affairs of a nation. The war with Mexico has developed most strikingly and conspicuously another feature in our institutions. It is, that without cost to the Government or danger to our liberties, we have, in the bosom of our society of freemen, available in a just and necessary war, virtually a standing army of two millions of armed citizen-soldiers, such as fought the battles of Mexico. But our military strength does not consist alone in our capacity for extended and successful operations on land. The navy is an important arm of the national defence. If the services of the navy were not so brilliant as those of the army in the late war with Mexico, it was because they had no enemy to meet on their own element. While the army had opportunity of performing more conspicuous service, the navy largely participated in the conduct of the war. Both branches of the service performed their whole duty to the country. For the able and gallant services of the officers and men of the navy-acting independently as well as in co-operation with our troops-in the conquest of the Californias, the capture of Vera Cruz, and the seizure and occupation of other important positions on the Gulf and Pacific coasts, the highest praise is due. Their vigilance, energy, and skill rendered the most effective service in excluding munitions of war and other supplies from the enemy, while they secured a safe entrance for abundant supplies for our own army. Our extended commerce was nowhere interrupted; and for this immunity from the evils of war, the country is indebted to the navy. High praise is due to the officers of the several executive bureaus, navy-yards, and stations connected with the service, all under the immediate direction of the Secretary of the Navy, for the industry, foresight, and energy with which every thing was directed and furnished to give efficiency to that branch of the service. The same vigilance existed in directing the operations of the navy, as of the army. There was concert of action and of purpose between the heads of the two arms of the service. By the orders which were from time to time issued, our vessels of war on the Pacific and the Gulf of Mexico were stationed in proper time and in proper positions to co-operate efficiently with the army. By this means their combined power was brought to bear successfully on the enemy. The great results which have been developed and brought to light by this war, will be of im DECEMBER, 1848.] The President's Message. measurable importance in the future progress of our country. They will tend powerfully to preserve us from foreign collisions, and to enable us to pursue uninterruptedly our cherished policy of "peace with all nations, entangling alliances with none." Occupying, as we do, a more commanding position among nations than at any former period, our duties and our responsibilities to ourselves and to posterity are correspondingly increased. This will be the more obvious when we consider the vast additions which have been recently made to our territorial possessions, and their great importance and value. Within less than four years the annexation of Texas to the Union has been consummated; all conflicting title to the Oregon Territory south of the forty-ninth degree of north latitude, being all that was insisted on by any of my predecessors, has been adjusted; and New Mexico and Upper California have been acquired by treaty. The area of these several Territories, according to a report carefully prepared by the Commissioner of the General Land Office, from the most authentic information in his possession, and which is herewith transmitted, contains one million one hundred and ninetythree thousand and sixty-one square miles, or seven hundred and sixty-three million five hundred and fifty-nine thousand and forty acres; while the area of the remaining twenty-nine States, and the territory not yet organized into States east of the Rocky Mountains, contains two million fifty-nine thousand five hundred and thirteen square miles, or thirteen hundred and eighteen million one hundred and twenty-six thousand and fifty-eight acres. These estimates show that the territories recently acquired, and over which our exclusive jurisdiction and dominion have been extended, constitute a country more than half as large as all that which was held by the United States before their acquisition. If Oregon be excluded from the estimate, there will still remain within the limits of Texas, New Mexico, and California, eight hundred and fiftyone thousand five hundred and ninety-eight square miles, or five hundred and forty-five million twelve thousand seven hundred and twenty acres; being an addition equal to more than one-third of all the territory owned by the United States before their acquisition; and, including Oregon, nearly as great an extent of territory as the whole of Europe, Russia only excepted. The Mississippi, so lately the frontier of our country, is now only its centre. With the addition of the late acquisitions, the United States are now estimated to be nearly as large as the whole of Europe. It is estimated by the superintendent of the coast survey, in the accompanying report, that the extent of the sea-coast of Texas on the Gulf of Mexico is upwards of four hundred miles; of the coast of Upper California, on the Pacific, of nine hundred and seventy miles; and of Oregon, including the Straits of Fuca, of six hundred and fifty miles; making the whole extent of sea-coast on the Pacific one thousand six hundred and twenty miles, and the whole extent on both the Pacific and the Gulf of Mexico two thousand and twenty miles. The length of the coast on the Atlantic, from the northern limits of the United States, around the Capes of Florida to the Sabine, on the eastern boundary of Texas, is estimated to be three thousand one hundred miles; so that the addition of sea-coast, including Oregon, is very [30тн Соха. nearly two-thirds as great as all we possessed before; and, excluding Oregon, is an addition of one thousand three hundred and seventy miles; being nearly equal to one-half of the extent of coast which we possessed before these acquisitions. We have now three great maritime fronts-on the Atlantic, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Pacificmaking in the whole an extent of sea-coast exceeding five thousand miles. This is the extent of the sea-coast of the United States, not including bays, sounds, and small irregularities of the main shore, and of the sea islands. If these be included, the length of the shore line of coast, as estimated by the superintendent of the coast survey, in his report, would be thirty-three thousand and sixty-three miles. It would be difficult to calculate the value of these immense additions to our territorial possessions. Texas, lying contiguous to the western boundary of Louisiana, embracing within its limits a part of the navigable tributary waters of the Mississippi, and an extensive sea-coast, could not long have remained in the hands of a foreign power, without endangering the peace of our south-western frontier. Her products in the vicinity of the tributaries of the Mississippi must have sought a market through these streams, running into and through our territory; and the danger of irritation and collision of interests between Texas as a foreign State and ourselves, would have been imminent, while the embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between them must have been constant and unavoidable. Had Texas fallen into the hands, or under the influence and control of a strong maritime or military foreign power, as she might have done, these dangers would have been still greater. They have been avoided by her voluntary and peaceful annexation to the United States. Texas, from her position, was a natural and almost indispensable part of our territories. Fortunately, she has been restored to our country, and now constitutes one of the States of our Confederacy, "upon an equal footing with the original States." The salubrity of climate, the fertility of soil, peculiarly adapted to the production of some of our most valuable staple commodities, and her commercial advantages, must soon make her one of our most populous States. New Mexico, though situated in the interior, and without a sea-coast, is known to contain much fertile land, to abound in rich mines of the precious metals, and to be capable of sustaining a large population. From its position, it is the intermediate and connecting territory between our settlements and our possessions in Texas, and those on the Pacific coast. Upper California, irrespective of the vast mineral wealth recently developed there, holds at this day, in point of value and importance to the rest of the Union, the same relation that Louisiana did, when that fine territory was acquired from France forty-five years ago. Extending nearly ten degrees of latitude along the Pacific, and embracing. the only safe and commodious harbors on that coast for many hundred miles, with a temperate climate, and an extensive interior of fertile lands, it is scarcely possible to estimate its wealth until it shall be brought under the government of our laws, and its resources fully developed. From its position, it must command a rich commerce of China, of Asia, of the islands of the Pacific, of Western Mexico, of Central America, the South 2D SESS.] The President's Message. [DECEMBER, 1848, This abundance of gold, and the all-engrossing pursuit of it, have already caused in California an unprecedented rise in the price of the necessaries of life. American States, and of the Russian possessions | the strong temptation, and remain faithful, should . bordering on that ocean. A great emporium will be rewarded. doubtless speedily arise on the Californian coast, which may be destined to rival in importance New Orleans itself. The depôt of the vast commerce which must exist on the Pacific will probably be at some point on the bay of San Francisco, and will occupy the same relation to the whole western coast of that ocean, as New Orleans does to the valley of the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico. To this depôt our numerous whale ships will resort with their cargoes, to trade, refit, and obtain supplies. This of itself will largely contribute to build up a city, which would soon become the centre of a great and rapidly increasing commerce. Situated on a safe harbor, sufficiently capacious for all the navies as well as the marine of the world, and convenient to excellent timber for ship-building, owned by the United States, it must become our great western naval depôt. It was known that mines of the precious metals existed to a considerable extent in California at the time of its acquisition. Recent discoveries render it probable that these mines are more extensive and valuable than was anticipated. The accounts of the abundance of gold in that territory are of such an extraordinary character, as would scarcely command belief, were they not corroborated by the authentic reports of officers in the public service, who have visited the mineral district, and derived the facts which they detail from personal observation. Reluctant to credit the reports in general circulation as to the quantity of gold, the officer commanding our forces in California visited the mineral district in July last, for the purpose of obtaining accurate information on the subject. His report to the War Department of the result of his examination, and the facts obtained on the spot, is herewith laid before Congress. When he visited the country, there were about four thousand persons engaged in collecting gold. There is every reason to believe that the number of persons so employed has since been augmented. The explorations already made warrant the belief that the supply is very large, and that gold is found in various places in an extensive district of country. Information received from officers of the navy, and other sources, though not so full and minute, confirm the accounts of the commander of our military force in California. It appears, also, from these reports, that mines of quicksilver are found in the vicinity of the gold region. One of them is now being worked, and is believed to be among the most productive in the world. The effects produced by the discovery of these rich mineral deposits, and the success which has attended the labors of those who have resorted to them, have produced a surprising change in the state of affairs in California. Labor commands a most exorbitant price, and all other pursuits but that of searching for the precious metals are abandoned. Nearly the whole of the male population of the country have gone to the gold district. Ships arriving on the coast are deserted by their crews, and their voyages suspended for want of sailors. Our commanding officer there entertains apprehensions that soldiers cannot be kept in the public service without a large increase of pay. Desertions in his command have become frequent, and he recommends that those who shall withstand That we may the more speedily and fully avail ourselves of the undeveloped wealth of these mines, it is deemed of vast importance that a branch of the mint of the United States be authorized to be established, at your present session, in California. Among other signal advantages which would result from such an establishment would be that of raising the gold to its par value in that Territory. A branch mint of the United States at the great commercial depôt on the west coast, would convert into our own coin not only the gold derived from our own rich mines, but also the bullion and specie which our commerce may bring from the whole west coast of Central and South America. The west coast of America, and the adjacent interior, embrace the richest and best mines of Mexico, New Granada, Central America, Chili, and Peru. The bullion and specie drawn from these countries, and especially from those of Western Mexico and Peru, to an amount in value of many millions of dollars, are now annually diverted and carried by the ships of Great Britain to her own ports, to be recoined or used to sustain her National Bank, and thus contribute to increase her ability to command so much of the commerce of the world. If a branch mint be established at the great commercial point upon that coast, a vast amount of bullion and specie would flow thither to be recoined, and pass thence to New Orleans, New York, and other Atlantic cities. The amount of our constitutional currency at home would be greatly increased, while its circulation abroad would be promoted. It is well known to our merchants trading to China and the west coast of America, that great inconvenience and loss are experienced from the fact that our coins are not current at their par value in those countries. The powers of Europe, far removed from the west coast of America by the Atlantic Ocean which intervenes, and by a tedious and dangerous navigation around the southern cape of the continent of Ameri ca, can never successfully compete with the United States in the rich and extensive commerce which is opened to us at so much less cost by the acquisition of California. The vast importance and commercial advantages of California have heretofore remained undeveloped by the Government of the country of which it constituted a part. Now that this fine province is a part of our country, all the States of the Union, some more immediately and directly than others, are deeply interested in the speedy development of its wealth and resources. No section of our country is more interested, or will be more benefited, than the commercial, navigating, and manufacturing interests of the eastern States. Our planting and farming interests in every part of the Union will be greatly benefited by it. As our commerce and navigation are enlarged and extended, our exports of agricultural products and of manufactures will be increased; and in the new markets thus opened, they cannot fail to command remunerating and profitable prices. The acquisition of California and New Mexico, the settlement of the Oregon boundary, and the annexation of Texas, extending to the Rio Grande, are results which, combined, are of greater consequence, and will add more to the strength and wealth of the nation, than any which have preceded them since the adoption of the constitution. But to effect these great results, not only California, but New Mexico, must be brought under the control of regularly organized governments. The existing condition of California, and of that part of New Mexico lying west of the Rio Grande, and without the limits of Texas, imperiously demand that Congress should, at its present session, organize territorial governments over them. [30TH CONG The monthly line of mail steamers from Panama to Astoria has been required to "stop and deliver and take mails at San Diego, Monterey, and San Francisco." These mail steamers, connected by the isthmus of Panama with the line of mail steamers on the Atlantic between New York and Chagres, will establish a regular mail communication with California. It is our solemn duty to provide, with the least practicable delay, for New Mexico and California, regularly organized territorial governments. The causes of the failure to do this at the last session of Upon the exchange of ratifications of the treaty Congress are well known, and deeply to be regretted. of peace with Mexico on the thirtieth of May last, With the opening prospects of increased prosperity the temporary governments which had been estab- and national greatness which the acquisition of these lished over New Mexico and California by our mili- rich and extensive territorial possessions affords, tary and naval commanders, by virtue of the rights of how irrational it would be to forego or to reject war, ceased to derive any obligatory force from that these advantages, by the agitation of a domestic source of authority; and having been ceded to the question which is coeval with the existence of our United States, all government and control over them Government itself, and to endanger by internal under the authority of Mexico had ceased to exist. strifes, geographical divisions, and heated contests Impressed with the necessity of establishing territo- for political power, or for any other cause, the harrial governments over them, I recommended the sub-mony of the glorious Union of our confederated ject to the favorable consideration of Congress in States, that Union which binds us together as one my message communicating the ratified treaty of people, and which for sixty years has been our peace, on the sixth of July last, and invoked their shield and protection against every danger! In the action at that session. Congress adjourned with- eyes of the world and of posterity, how trivial and out making any provision for their government. insignificant will be all our internal divisions and The inhabitants, by the transfer of their country, struggles, compared with the preservation of this had become entitled to the benefits of our laws Union of the States in all its vigor and with all its and constitution, and yet were left without any countless blessings! No patriot would foment and regularly organized government. Since that time, excite geographical and sectional divisions. No the very limited power possessed by the Executive lover of his country would deliberately calculate the has been exercised to preserve and protect them value of the Union. Future generations would look from the inevitable consequences of a state of an- in amazement upon the folly of such a course. Other archy. The only government which remained was nations at the present day would look upon it with that established by the military authority during the astonishment; and such of them as desire to mainwar. Regarding this to be a de facto government, tain and perpetuate thrones and monarchical or arisand that by the presumed consent of the inhabit-tocratical principles will view it with exultation and ants it might be continued temporarily, they were delight, because in it they will see the elements of facadvised to conform and submit to it for the short tion, which they hope must ultimately overturn our intervening period before Congress would again system. Ours is the great example of a prosperous assemble, and could legislate on the subject. The and free self-governed Republic, commanding the views entertained by the Executive on this point are admiration and the imitation of all the lovers of contained in a communication of the Secretary of freedom throughout the world. How solemn, thereState, dated the seventh of October last, which was fore, is the duty, how impressive the call upon us forwarded for publication to California and New and upon all parts of our country, to cultivate a Mexico, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. patriotic spirit of harmony, of good-fellowship, of compromise and mutual concession, in the administration of the incomparable system of government formed by our fathers in the midst of almost insuperable difficulties, and transmitted to us, with the injunction that we should enjoy its blessings, and hand it down unimpaired to those who may come after us! The small military force of the regular army, which was serving within the limits of the acquired territories at the close of the war, was retained in them, and additional forces have been ordered there for the protection of the inhabitants, and to preserve and secure the rights and interests of the United States. No revenue has been or could be collected at the ports of California, because Congress failed to authorize the establishment of custom-houses, or the appointment of officers for that purpose. The Secretary of the Treasury, by a circular letter addressed to collectors of the customs on the seventh day of October last, a copy of which is herewith transmitted, exercised all the power with which he was invested by law. In pursuance of the act of the fourteenth of August last, extending the benefit of our post-office laws to the people of California, the Postmaster General has appointed two agents, who have proceeded, the one to California, and the other to Oregon, with authority to make the necessary arrangements for carrying its provisions into effect. In view of the high and responsible duties which we owe to ourselves and to mankind, I trust you may be able, at your present session, to approach the adjustment of the only domestic question which seriously threatens, or probably can ever threaten, to disturb the harmony and successful operation of our system. The immensely valuable possessions New Mexico and California are already inhabited by a considerble population. Attracted by their great fertility, their mineral wealth, their commercial advantages, and the salubrity of the climate, emigrants from the older States, in great numbers, are already preparing to seek new homes in these inviting regions. Shall the dissimilarity of the domestic institutions in the different States prevent us from providing for 2D SESS.] The President's Message. [DECEMBER, 1848. them suitable governments? These institutions ex- | ple of Georgia might, if they chose, so alter their isted at the adoption of the constitution, but the constitution as to abolish slavery within its limits; obstacles which they interposed were overcome by and the people of Vermont might so alter their that spirit of compromise which is now invoked. In constitution as to admit slavery within its limits. a conflict of opinions or of interests, real or imagi- Both States would possess the right; though, as nary, between different sections of our country, all know, it is not probable that either would exneither can justly demand all which it might desire ert it. to obtain. Each, in the true spirit of our institutions, should concede something to the other. Our gallant forces in the Mexican war, by whose patriotism and unparalleled deeds of arms we obtained these possessions as an indemnity for our just demands against Mexico, were composed of citizens who belonged to no one State or section of our Union. They were men from slaveholding and non-slaveholding States, from the North and the South, from the East and the West. They were all companions-in-arms and fellow-citizens of the same common country, engaged in the same common cause. When prosecuting that war, they were brethren and friends, and shared alike with each other, common toils, dangers, and sufferings. Now, when their work is ended, when peace is restored, and they return again to their homes, put off the habiliments of war, take their places in society, and resume their pursuits in civil life, surely a spirit of harmony and concession, and of equal regard for the rights of all, and of all sections of the Union, ought to prevail in providing governments for the acquired territories-the fruits of their common service. The whole people of the United States, and of every State, contributed to defray the expenses of that war; and it would not be just for any one section to exclude another from all participation in the acquired territory. This would not be in consonance with the just system of government which the framers of the constitution adopted. The question is believed to be rather abstract than practical, whether slavery ever can or would exist in any portion of the acquired territory, even if it were left to the option of the slaveholding States themselves. From the nature of the climate and productions, in much the larger portion of it, it is certain it could never exist; and in the remainder, the probabilities are, it would not. But however this may be, the question, involving, as it does, a principle of equality of rights of the separate and several States, as equal co-partners in the Confederacy, should not be disregarded. It is fortunate for the peace and harmony of the Union that this question is in its nature temporary, and can only continue for the brief period which will intervene before California and New Mexico may be admitted as States into the Union. From the tide of population now flowing into them, it is highly probable that this will soon occur. Considering the several States and the citizens of the several States as equals, and entitled to equal rights under the constitution, if this were an original question, it might well be insisted on that the principle of non-interference is the true doctrine, and that Congress could not, in the absence of any express grant of power, interfere with their relative rights. Upon a great emergency, however, and under menacing dangers to the Union, the Missouri compromise line in respect to slavery was adopted. The same line was extended further west in the acquisition of Texas. After an acquiescence of nearly thirty years in the principle of compromise recognized and established by these acts, and to avoid the danger to the Union which might follow if it were now disregarded, I have heretofore expressed the opinion that that line of compromise should be extended on the parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes from the western boundary of Texas, where it now terminates, to the Pacific Ocean. This is the middle ground of compromise, upon which the different sections of the Union may meet, as they have heretofore met. If this be done, it is confidently believed a large majority of the people of every section of the country, however widely their abstract opinions on the subject of slavery may dif fer, would cheerfully and patriotically acquiesce in it, and peace and harmony would again fill our borders. The restriction north of the line was only yielded to in the case of Missouri and Texas upon a principle of compromise, made necessary for the sake of preserving the harmony, and possibly the existence of the Union. It was upon these considerations that, at the close In organizing governments over these Territories, of your last session, I gave my sanction to the prinno duty imposed on Congress by the constitution ciple of the Missouri compromise line, by approving requires that they should legislate on the subject of and signing the bill to establish "the Territorial slavery, while their power to do so is not only seri- Government of Oregon." From a sincere desire to ously questioned, but denied by many of the sound- preserve the harmony of the Union, and in deference est expounders of that instrument. Whether Con- for the acts of my predecessors, I felt constrained gress shall legislate or not, the people of the ac- to yield my acquiescence to the extent to which quired Territories, when assembled in convention they had gone in compromising this delicate and to form State constitutions, will possess the sole and dangerous question. But if Congress shall now re. exclusive power to determine for themselves wheth-verse the decision by which the Missouri comproer slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. mise was effected, and shall propose to extend the If Congress shall abstain from interfering with the restriction over the whole territory, south as well question, the people of these Territories will be left as north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees, thirty free to adjust it as they may think proper when they minutes, it will cease to be a compromise, and must apply for admission as States into the Union. No be regarded as an original question. enactment of Congress could restrain the people of any of the sovereign States of the Union, old or new, north or south, slaveholding or non-slaveholding, from determining the character of their own domestic institutions as they may deem wise and proper. Any and all of the States possess this right, and Congress cannot deprive them of it. The peo If Congress, instead of observing the course of non-interference, leaving the adoption of their own domestic institutions to the people who may inhabit these Territories; or if, instead of extending the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific, shall prefer to submit the legal and constitutional questions which may arise to the decision of the judicial |