I was quite charmed with Lord Chatham's speech in support of his motion.1 He impressed me with the highest idea of him as a great and most able statesman. Lord Camden, another wonderfully good speaker and close reasoner, joined him in the same argument, as did several other lords, who spoke excellently well; but all availed no more than the whistling of the winds. The motion was rejected. Sixteen Scotch peers, and twenty-four bishops, with all the lords in possession or expectation of places, when they vote together unanimously, as they generally do for ministerial measures, make a dead majority that renders all debating ridiculous in itself, since it can answer no end. Full of the high esteem I had imbibed for Lord Chatham, I wrote back to Lord Stanhope the following note, viz.

Dr. Franklin presents his best respects to Lord Stanhope, with many thanks to his lordship and Lord Chatham, for the communication of so authentic a copy of the motion. Dr. F. is filled with admiration of that truly great man. He has seen in the course of life, sometimes eloquence without wisdom, and often wisdom without eloquence; in the present instance he sees both united, and both as he thinks, in the highest degree possible.

Craven Street, Jan. 23, 1775.

As in the course of the debate, some lords in the administration had observed, that it was common and easy to censure their measures, but those who did so proposed nothing better; Lord Chatham mentioned that he should not be one of those idle censurers, that he had thought long and closely upon the subject, and proposed soon to lay before their lordships the result of his meditation, in a plan for healing our differences, and restoring peace to the empire, to which his present motion was preparatory: I much desired to know what his plan was, and intended waiting on him to see if he would communicate it to me; but he went the next morning to Hayes, and I was so much taken up with daily business and company, that I could not easily get out to him. A few days after, however, Lord Mahon called on me, and told me Lord Chatham was very desirous of seeing me; when I promised to

I

It was reported at the time, that his lordship had concluded his speech with the following remarkable words." If the ministers thus persevere in misadvising and misleading the King, I will not say that they can alienate the affections of his subjects from his crown, but I will affirm, that they will make the crown not worth his wearing. I will not say that the King is betrayed, but I will pronounce that the kingdom is undone."

VOL. I.

2 K

be with him the Friday following, several engagements preventing my going sooner. On Friday the 27th, I took a post-chaise about 9 o'clock, and got to Hayes about 11, But my attention being engaged in reading a new pamphlet, the postboy drove me a mile or two beyond the gate. His lordship being out on an airing in his chariot, had met me before I reached Hayes, unobserved by me, turned and followed me, and not finding me there, concluded, as he had seen me reading, that I had passed by mistake, and sent a servant after me. He expressed great pleasure at my coming, and acquainted me in a long conversation with the outlines of his plan, parts of which he read to me. He said he had communicated it only to Lord Camden, whose advice he much relied on, particularly in the law part; and that he would, as soon as he could get it transcribed, put it into my hands for my opinion and advice, but should show it to no other person before he presented it to the house; and he requested me to make no mention of it, otherwise parts might be misunderstood and blown upon before hand, and others perhaps adopted and produced by ministers as their own. I promised the closest secrecy, and kept my word: not even mentioning to any one that I had seen him. I dined with him, his family only present, and returned to town in the evening.

On the Sunday following, being the 29th, his lordship came to town, and called upon me in Craven Street. He brought with him his plan transcribed, in the form of an act of parliament, which he put into my hands, requesting me to consider it carefully, and communicate to him such remarks upon it as should occur to me. His reason for desiring to give me that trouble, was, as he was pleased to say, that he knew no man so thoroughly acquainted with the subject, or so capable of giving advice upon it; that he thought the errors of ministers in American affairs, had been often owing to their not obtaining the best information: that therefore though he had considered the business thoroughly in all its parts, he was not so confident of his own judgment, but that he came to set it right by mine, as men set their watches by a regulator. He had not determined when he should produce it in the house of lords; but in the course of our conversation, considering the precarious situation of his health, and that if presenting it was delayed, some intelligence might arrive which would make it seem less seasonable, or in all parts not so proper; or the ministry might engage in different measures, and then say if you had produced your plan sooner, we might have attended to it, he concluded to offer it the Wednesday following; and therefore wished to see me upon it the preceding Tuesday, when he would again call upon me, unless I could conveniently come to Hayes. I chose the latter, in respect to his lordship, and because there was less likelihood of inter

ruptions and I promised to be with him early, that we might have more time. He staid with me near two hours, his equipage waiting at the door; and being there while people were coming from church, it was much taken notice of and talked of, as at that time was every little circumstance that men thought might possibly any way affect American affairs. Such a visit from so great a man, on so important a business, flattered not a little my vanity; and the honor of it gave me the more pleasure, as it happened on the very day twelve months, that the ministry had taken so much pains to disgrace me before the privy council.1

I applied myself immediately to the reading and considering the plan, of which when it was afterwards published, I sent you a copy, and therefore need not insert it here. I put down upon paper, as I went along, some short memorandums for my future discourse with him upon it, which follow, that you may, if you please, compare them with the plan; and if you do so, you will see their drift and purpose, which otherwise would take me much writing to explain.

Tuesday, Jan. 31st, 1775.

"Notes for Discourse with Lord Chatham on his Plan. Voluntary grants and forced taxes, not to be expected of the same people at the same time.

"Permanent revenue will be objected to; would not a temporary agreement be best, suppose for 100 years?

"Does the whole of the rights claimed in the petition of rights relate to England only?

"The American naturalization act gives all the rights of natural born subjects to foreigners residing there seven years. Can it be supposed that the natives there

have them not?

"If the King should raise armies in America, would Britain like their being brought hither? as the King might bring them when he pleased.

"An act of parliament requires the colonies to furnish sundry articles of provision and accommodation to troops quartered among them, this may be made very burthensome to colonies that are out of favour.

"If a permanent revenue, why not the same privileges in trade with Scotland?

"Should not the lands conquered by Britain and the colonies in conjunction, be given them (reserving a quit-rent) whence they might form funds to enable them to pay.

"Instructions about agents to be withdrawn.

"Grants to be for three years, at the end of which a new congress—and so from three to three years.

"Congress to have the general defence of the frontiers, making and regulating new settlements.

"Defence, extension and prosperity of'—The late Canada act prevents their extension, and may check their prosperity.

"Laws should be secure as well as charters.

"Perhaps if the legislative power of parliament is owned in the colonies, they may make a law to forbid the meeting of any congress, &c."

I was at Hayes early on Tuesday, agreeably to my promise, when we entered into consideration of the plan; but though I staid near four hours, his lordship, in the manner of, I think, all eloquent persons, was so full and diffuse in supporting every particular I questioned, that there was not time to go through half my memorandums; he is not easily interrupted, and I had such pleasure in hearing him, that I found little inclination to interrupt him; therefore, considering that neither of us had much expectation that the plan would be adopted entirely as it stood; that in the course of its consideration, if it should be received, proper alterations might be introduced; that before it would be settled, America should have opportunity to make her objections and propositions of amendment; that to have it received at all here, it must seem to comply a little with some of the prevailing prejudices of the legislature; that if it was not so perfect as might be wished, it would at least serve as a basis for treaty, and in the mean time prevent mischiefs, and that as his lordship had determined to offer it the next day, there was not time to make changes and another fair copy. I therefore ceased my querying; and though afterwards many

people were pleased to do me the honor of supposing I had a considerable share in composing it, I assure you, that the addition of a single word only was made at my instance, viz. " Constitutions" after "Charters;" for my filling up at his request a blank with the titles of acts proper to be repealed, which I took from the proceedings of the congress, was no more than might have been done by any copying clerk.

On Wednesday, Lord Stanhope, at Lord Chatham's request, called upon me, and carried me down to the house of lords, which was soon very full. Lord Chatham in a most excellent speech, introduced, explained, and supported his plan. When he sat down, Lord Dartmouth rose, and very properly said, it contained matter of such weight and magnitude, as to require much consideration, and he therefore hoped the noble earl did not expect their lordships to decide upon it by an immediate vote, but would be willing it should lie upon the table for consideration. Lord Chatham answered readily that he expected nothing more. But Lord Sandwich rose, and in a petulant vehement speech, opposed its being received at all, and gave his opinion that it ought to be immediately rejected, with the contempt it deserved. That he could never believe it to be the production of any British peer. That it appeared to him rather the work of some American; and turning his face towards me, who was leaning on the bar, said, he fancied he had in his eye the person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies this country had ever known. This drew the eyes of many lords upon me: but as I had no inducement to take it to myself, I kept my countenance as immoveable as if my features had been made of wood. Then several other lords of the administration gave their sentiments also for rejecting it, of which opinion also was strongly the wise Lord Hillsborough. But the Dukes of Richmond and Manchester, Lord Shelburne, Lord Camden, Lord Temple, Lord Lyttleton and others, were for receiving it, some through approbation, and others for the character and dignity of the house. One lord mentioning with applause, the candid proposal of one of the ministers, Lord Dartmouth, his lordship rose again, and said, that having since heard the opinions of so many lords against receiving it to lie upon the table for consideration, he had altered his mind, could not accept the praise offered him for a candour of which he was now ashamed, and should therefore give his voice for rejecting the plan immediately. I am the more particular in this, as it is a trait of that nobleman's character, who from his office is supposed to have so great a share in American affairs, but who has in reality no will or judgment of his own, being, with dispositions for the best measures, easily