-all subject to errors. Our opinions are not in our own power; they are formed and governed much by circumstances, that are often as inexplicable as they are irresistible. Your situation was such that few would have censured your remaining neuter, though there are natural duties which precede political ones, and cannot be extinguished by them. This is a disagreeable subject: I drop it. And we will endeavour, as you propose, mutually to forget what has happened relating to it, as well as we can. I send your son over to pay his duty to you. You will find him much improved. He is greatly esteemed and beloved in this country, and will make his way any where. &c."

In the summer of 1762, Dr. Franklin returned to Philadelphia, and shortly after received the thanks of the assembly of Pennsylvania, "as well for the faithful discharge of his duty to that province in particular, as for the many and important services done to America in general, during his residence in Great Britain." A compensation of 5,000l. Pennsylvania currency, was also decreed him for his services during six years. Even in his absence he had been annually elected a member of the assembly of representatives of the province, and he again took his seat in that body, and continued his exertions for the liberties and welfare of the country.

In December, 1762, considerable alarm was occasioned in the province, by what was called the Paxton murders. It is thus related: "A number of Indians had resided in the county of Lancaster, and conducted themselves uniformly as friends to their white inhabitants. Repeated depredations on the frontiers, had exasperated the inhabitants to such a degree, that they determined on revenge upon every Indian. A number of persons to the amount of about 120, principally inhabitants of Donegal and Peckstang, or Paxton, township, in the county of York, assembled; and, mounted on horseback, proceeded to the settlement of these harmless and defenceless Indians, whose number had now been reduced to about twenty. The Indians had received intelligence of the attack which was intended against them, but disbelieved it considering the white people as their friends, they apprehended no danger from them. When the party arrived at the Indian settlement, they found only some women and children, and a few old men, the rest being absent at work. They murdered all whom they found, and amongst others the chief Shaheas, who had always been distinguished for his friendship to the whites. This bloody deed excited much indignation in the well-disposed part of the community.

"The remainder of these unfortunate Indians, who by absence had escaped the massacre, were conducted to Lancaster, and lodged in the gaol as a place of security. The governor of Pennsylvania issued a proclamation expressing the strongest

disapprobation of the action, offering a reward for the discovery of the perpetrators of the deed, and prohibiting all injuries to the peaceable inhabitants in future. But notwithstanding this, a party of the same men shortly after marched to Lancaster, broke open the gaol, and inhumanly butchered the innocent Indians who had been placed there for security. Another proclamation was issued, but it had no effect. A detachment marched down to Philadelphia, for the express purpose of murdering some friendly Indians who had been removed to the city for safety. A number of the citizens armed in their defence. The Quakers, whose principles are opposed to fighting, even in their own defence, were most active on this occasion. The rioters came to Germantown, (within five miles of Philadelphia.) The governor fled for safety to the house of Dr. Franklin, who, with some others, advanced to meet the Paxton boys, as they were called, and had influence enough to prevail upon them to relinquish their undertaking and return to their homes."—Dr. Franklin wrote a pamphlet on this occasion, which had a considerable effect in soothing the passions, and restoring tranquillity. His services, however, were but ill requited by the governor, who was, as well as the province, under great obligations to his active and successful exertions.

The disputes between the proprietaries and the assembly, which had so long agitated the province, and which had for a time subsided, were again revived, and are thus accounted for:

"The proprietaries were discontent at the concessions made in favor of the people, and again exerted themselves to recover the privilege of exempting their own estates from taxation, which they had been induced, with great reluctance, to relinquish.

"In 1763, the assembly passed a Militia Bill, to which the governor refused to give his assent, unless the assembly would agree to certain amendments which he proposed. These consisted in increasing the fines, and in some cases substituting death for fines. He wished, too, that the officers should be appointed altogether by himself, and not nominated by the people, as the bill had proposed. These amendments the assembly considered as inconsistent with the spirit of liberty: they would not adopt them, the governor was obstinate, and the bill was lost."

These and various other circumstances, increased the uneasiness which subsisted between the proprietaries and the assembly to such a degree, that in 1764 a petition to the King was agreed to by the house, praying an alteration from a proprietary to a regal government. The following draught of the same was found in Dr. Franklin's papers:

To the King's most excellent Majesty, in Council,

The Petition of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of
Pennsylvania in General Assembly met,

Most humbly sheweth,

"That the government of this province by proprietaries, has by long. experience been found inconvenient, attended with many difficulties and obstructions to your Majesty's service, arising from the intervention of proprietary private interest in public affairs, and disputes concerning those interests.

"That the said proprietary government is weak, unable to support its own authority, and maintain the common internal peace of the province, great riots having lately arisen therein, armed mobs marching from place to place, and committing violent outrages and insults on the government with impunity, to the great terror of your Majesty's subjects. And these evils are not likely to receive any remedy here, the continual disputes between the proprietaries and people, and their mutual jealousies and dislikes preventing.

"We do therefore most humbly pray, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to resume the government of this province, making such compensation to the proprietaries for the same as to your Majesty's wisdom and goodness shall appear just and equitable, and permitting your dutiful subjects therein to enjoy under your Majesty's more immediate care and protection, the privileges that have been granted to them, by and under your royal predecessors.

By order of the House."

Great opposition was made to this measure, not only in the house, but in the public prints. A speech of Mr. Dickinson on the subject was published with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which great pains were taken to show the impropriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of Joseph Galloway, Esq. in reply to Mr. Dickinson, was also published, accompanied by a preface by Dr. Franklin, in which he ably opposed the principles laid down in the preface to Mr. Dickinson's speech. Among other pointed remarks, Dr. Franklin says:

"In the constitution of our government, and in that of one more, there still remains a particular thing that none of the other American governments have; to wit, the appointment of a governor by the proprietors, instead of an appointment by the crown. This particular in government has been found inconvenient; attended with contentions and confusions wherever it existed; and has therefore been

gradually taken away from colony after colony, and every where greatly to the satisfaction and happiness of the people. Our wise first proprietor and founder1 was fully sensible of this; and being desirous of leaving his people happy, and preventing the mischiefs that he foresaw must in time arise from that circumstance, if it was continued, he determined to take it away, if possible, during his own lifetime. They accordingly entered into a contract for the sale of the proprietary right of government to the crown; and actually received a sum in part of the consideration. As he found himself likely to die before that contract (and with it his plan for the happiness of his people) could be completed, he carefully made it a part of his last will and testament; devising the right of the government to two noble lords, in trust, that they should release it to the crown. Unfortunately for us, this has never yet been done. And this is merely what the assembly now desire to have done. Surely he that formed our constitution, must have understood it. If he had imagined that all our privileges depended on the proprietary government, will any one suppose that he would himself have meditated the change; that he would have taken such effectual measures as he thought them, to bring it about speedily, whether he should live or die? Will any of those who now extol him so highly, charge him at the same time with the baseness of endeavouring thus to defraud his people of all the liberties and privileges he had promised them, and by the most solemn charters and grants assured to them, when he engaged them to assist him in the settlement of his province? Surely none can be so inconsistent !—And yet this preprietary right of governing or appointing a governor, has all of a sudden changed its nature; and the preservation of it become of so much importance to the welfare of the province, that the assembly's only petitioning to have their venerable founder's will executed, and the contract he entered into for the good of his people completed, is styled, an attempt to violate the constitution for which our fathers planted a wil⚫derness; to barter away our glorious plan of public liberty and charter privileges ; 'a risking of the whole constitution; an offering up our whole charter rights; a 'wanton sporting with things sacred,' &c."

In addition to the preface just mentioned, Dr. Franklin wrote a pamphlet entitled "Cool Thoughts," tending to promote the same views. The assembly's application to the throne, however, produced no effect, and the proprietary government remained unchanged.

At the election for a new assembly in the autumn of 1764, the friends of the pro

'William Penn.

prietaries made great exertions to exclude those of the adverse party; and they obtained a small majority in the city of Philadelphia. Dr. Franklin on this occasion lost his seat in the house, which he had held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the assembly, however, it appeared that there was still a decided majority of his friends, and he was again appointed to resume his agency at the court of Great Britain, to the great chagrin of his enemies, who made a solemn protest against his appointment; but which was refused admission upon the minutes, as being unprecedented. It was, however, published in the papers, and produced a spirited reply from him, entitled "Remarks on a late Protest," &c. for which see APPENDIX, No. 6.

The opposition made to his re-appointment seems greatly to have affected his feelings; as it came from men with whom he had long been connected, both in public and private life,— the very ashes of whose former friendship," he declared, "he revered." His pathetic farewell to Pennsylvania in the publication above mentioned, the day before his departure, is a strong proof of the agitation of his mind on this occasion.

"I am now," says he, "to take leave (perhaps a last leave) of the country I love, and in which I have spent the greatest part of my life. Esto perpetua !—I wish every kind of prosperity to my friends, and I forgive my enemies.

An eloquent divine1 has observed on this occasion, "That under whatsoever circumstances this second embassy was undertaken, it appears to have been a measure pre-ordained in the councils of Heaven; and it will be for ever remembered to the honor of Pennsylvania, that the agent selected to assert and defend the rights of a single province at the court of Great Britain, became the bold asserton of the rights of America in general; and beholding the fetters that were forging for her, conceived the magnanimous thought of rending them asunder before they could be rivetted."

The disturbances produced in America by Mr. Grenville's Stamp Act, and the opposition made to it, are well known. But the origin thereof has generally been misunderstood. The following letter from Dr. Franklin on that subject, will correct some of the misrepresentations relative thereto.

Dr. William Smith, Provost of Philadelphia College.