government, which design there is every reason to believe had not been even cons ceived at the time, however it may have been long after. The work was drawn up for no other purpose than to exhibit the state of the province, and to make the nation clearly acquainted with the progressive grievances of which the inhabitants complained. Undoubtedly these grievances were in a great measure traced by the author to the manner in which William Penn had secured his property originally, and provided for an increase of it in the event of the prosperous advance of the colony.

The historian of Pennsylvania could not avoid noticing the double part which this celebrated legislator had played as proprietary and governor; for the people of his own persuasion who had embarked with him in this concern, had heavily and repeatedly complained of his conduct towards them, and their charges against him upon record, are infinitely more severe than the slight touches of sarcastic reflection scattered here and there in the Review. Nor is it true that the disappointment experienced in the failure of the projected alteration in the government from proprietary to royal, laid the foundation of any animosity in the mind of Franklin against Great Britain; for it is a well known fact that the differences between the parent country and the colonies were the source of great uneasiness to him; and he endeavoured all that lay in his power to prevent the rupture which ensued. This will clearly appear in the sequel of these Memoirs.

Mr. Clarkson very properly enters into a justification of Penn's moral character, and he has succeeded in a great degree in clearing up many doubtful points which tended, on the authority of respectable writers, to bring the principles of that eminent man into suspicion; but the same love of justice ought to have prevented the biographer and panegyrist of Penn from throwing illiberal reflections and alleging unfounded accusations against one who was not in the least inferior to him in ability and integrity. Afterwards Mr. Clarkson is willing to obtain the testimony of Franklin in favour of the object of his admiration, though it is to be regretted that he could not even do this without mixing with his quotation something disrespectful of the very authority which he cited. "Nay," says he, "if I mistake not, Dr. Franklin himself was among those who highly respected Penn."

The doctor had a satirical way of expressing himself when he was not pleased, and therefore when he found fault with William Penn he could not get rid of his old habit; but the hostility he manifested was far more in manner than in heart. He was assuredly more severe upon his grandsons, against whom (it is said) he published a small pamphlet, where, as if no other way had been left to expose

them, it is singular that he contrasted their conduct with the virtuous example of their noble ancestor. The little ludicrous motto, prefixed to this work, and which was taken from John Rogers's Primer, may enable the reader to judge in part of its

The ingenious eulogist of Penn, however, does not seem to have been aware that in attempting to invalidate the testimony of Franklin, he had before completely destroyed the value of his praise. In the general view of the character of Penn, no doubt the latter concurred fully with the voice of the public; but knowing as he did the minuter parts of the history of his connexions with the province which bears his name, it was impossible either to pass them over in absolute silence, or to speak of them without some observation on the want of consistency in so great a man.

Thus much it was proper here to remark, because if a necessity existed for the justification of Penn from any reflections bestowed upon him by the historian of his settlement, it must be equally necessary to show that these reflections did not proceed from the wantonness of a satirical humour, or the malignity of wit, but from an attentive examination of the subject, and the paramount love of truth, in a concern which demanded an investigation in detail, and a full exposition for the ends of justice.

While Benjamin Franklin was engaged in this troublesome but important concern, at the court of Great Britain, he had opportunities of becoming acquainted with many persons of the first consequence in the state, who, on their side, were not wanting in observing his extraordinary sagacity and comprehensive understanding. The war in which Great Britain was then involved, could not fail to excite much of his attention, and he was not alone in the opinion that by pursuing the contest solely in Germany, this country incurred an enormous expenditure, without either reaping any immediate advantage or facilitating an honourable termination. There was something, indeed, peculiarly splendid in the achievements of the King of Prussia; and the nation, without knowing why, seemed to identify the cause of that monarch with the security of the protestant religion, and the maintenance of the balance of power. The judgment of Franklin was unbiassed by prejudices which had no foundation in reason, and too cool to be warmed by the report of victories the result

of which appeared to be little more than an occasion for renewed exertions and more sanguinary conflicts, without any definite object or satisfactory prospect. He contemplated the interests of Britain in a more dispassionate point of view, than those who made them dependent upon the success of subsidized allies; and knowing by experience how desirous France was to gain a more extended footing in America, he thought it would be the wisest way to counteract her ambitious projects, by an attack upon her own colony. Franklin was no stranger to Canada, and he was thoroughly persuaded that the possession of that country gave to the French a commanding influence over the Indians, of which they never failed to take an advantage, to the annoyance of the English colonies. Looking upon France as another Carthage, he formed the patriotic wish of destroying her maritime ascendancy, as well to strengthen the political and commercial state of Great Britain, as to provide a permanent security for her foreign dependencies. The more he weighed the subject in his mind, the more was he satisfied that the true interest of the country lay in weakening her rival on the side of America, rather than in Germany; and these sentiments he imparted to some of his friends, by whom they were reported to the indefatigable William Pitt, who no sooner consulted him on the practicability of the conquest, than he was convinced by the force of his arguments, and determined by the simple accuracy of his statements. The enterprize was immediately undertaken, the command given to General Wolfe, and conducted with such celerity, as completely to deceive the enemy, who had no apprehensions for the safety of Canada, till the intelligence reached Europe of its being irrecoverably lost. This acquisition gave a new turn to the political interests of the English colonies, and followed as it soon was by a new reign, it contributed very materially to the restoration of peace. The brilliancy of the conquest of Canada, and the powerful pamphlet written about this time by Franklin's intimate friend, Israel Mauduit, a merchant of London, on the impolicy of German wars, drew the attention of the nation to the importance of that country, and the necessity of preserving it for the welfare of our own colonies. There were not wanting, however, some politicians who considered the possession of Canada in another light, and as less desirable than the retention of Guadaloupe, which about the same time surrendered to the British arms.

On the prospect of a peace with France, the Earl of Bath addressed "A Letter to two great Men," (Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Newcastle) on the terms necessary to be insisted on in the negotiations. He preferred the acquisition of Canada, to acquisitions in the West Indies. In the same year (1760) there appeared, "Remarks on the Letter addressed to two great Men," (supposed to be written by

Messieurs Burkes) containing opposite opinions on this and other subjects. At this time Mr. Franklin stepped into the controversy, and wrote a pamphlet, in which he was assisted by his friend Mr. Richard Jackson, (who desired not to be known on the occasion) entitled, "The Interest of Great Britain considered with regard to the Colonies, and the acquisition of Canada and Guadaloupe;" in which were pointed out in the most clear and forcible manner, the advantages that would result to Great Britain from the retention of Canada; demonstrating also, that the security of a dominion, is a justifiable and prudent ground upon which to demand cessions from an enemy;—that the erection of forts in the back settlements, was almost in no instance a sufficient security against the Indians and the French; but that the possession of Canada implied every security, and ought to be had while in the power of the British government :—and that the French retaining Canada, would be an encouragement to disaffection in the British colonies, &c. &c.

These arguments appear to have had the desired effect, for at the treaty in 1762, France ceded Canada to Great Britain, and by the cession of Louisiana at the same time, relinquished all her possessions on the North American continent.

Mr. Franklin about this time made a journey to Scotland, whither his reputation as a philosopher had preceded him: he was greeted by the learned of that country, and the University of St. Andrews conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Its example was followed by the Universities of Edinburgh and Oxford. The entries of the honors conferred by the latter, on himself and son, are thus made:

Benj. Franklin, Esq. Provinc. Pensylvan. Deputat. ad Curiam Sereniss. Legat. Tabellariorium per Americam Septentrionalem Præfectus Generalis et Veredariorum totius Novæ Augliæ, et R. S. S. cr. D. C. L. Apr. 30, 1762.

Franklin, (Will.) Esq. Juris Municip. Consult, cr. M. A. Apr. 30, 1762.

Most of the other learned societies of Europe were equally ambitious of calling him a member, and nominated him as such: thus he was eventually consoled and rewarded for the neglect or opposition his discoveries in philosophy had originally experienced.

Soon after this period, a vacancy in the government of New Jersey having occurred, Dr. Franklin's son, without any solicitation whatever on the part of his father, but from his own personal merits, and in consideration of his military services in America during the last war, (backed by the powerful recommendation of Lord Bute,) was appointed governor of that province.

Governor Franklin filled this high and honorable situation with equal credit to himself, and advantage to the province, till the commencement of the American revolution; when, unlike most of the governors of the other provinces at that eventful period, he remained undismayed at his post, till he was seized by the revolutionary government, conveyed to a distant part of the country, and rigorously detained as a prisoner for near two years, when he was eventually liberated in 1778, in exchange for an American general officer. His loyalty and monarchical principles remained undiminished to his death in 1813.

It has been frequently asserted, that Dr. Franklin held out every temptation and inducement to bis son to quit his allegiance to his sovereign, and to take part with the colonies against Great Britain. This was not so: Dr. Franklin made no attempt of the sort, whatever may have been his secret wishes on that subject. In a letter to his son of Oct. 6, 1773,1 he says: "I know your sentiments differ from mine on these subjects. You are a thorough government man, which I do not wonder at, nor do I aim at converting you. I only wish you to act uprightly and steadily, avoiding that duplicity which in Hutchinson adds contempt to indignation. If you can promote the prosperity of your people, and leave them happier than you found them, whatever your political principles are, your memory will be honored."

During the whole of the American contest, Dr. Franklin never had any communication whatever with his son, either directly or indirectly: but at the close of the war, in answer to an overture from him towards a reconciliation, the father thus feelingly expressed his sentiments on his son's late political conduct.

"Dear Son,

Passy, Aug. 16, 1784.

"I received your letter of the 22d ult. and am glad to find that you desire to revive the affectionate intercourse that formerly existed between us. It will be very agreeable to me: indeed nothing has ever hurt me so much, and affected me with such keen sensations, as to find myself deserted in my old age by my only son; and not only deserted, but to find him taking up arms against me in a cause, wherein my good fame, fortune, and life, were all at stake. say, that your duty to your king and regard for your country required this. I ought not to blame you for differing in sentiment with me in public affairs. We are men

2

You conceived, you

'See "Private Correspondence," p. 197. 4to ed. and p. 394. vol. i. 8vo. ed.

Governor Franklin (it is believed) formed and commanded the corps of loyalists at New York. VOL. I.

X.