During these seventeen years, there were, a few persons, in different parts of the state, who opposed this course of legislation. And here we introduce to the reader, Ephraim Cutler, of Washington county, near Marietta, who was one of the framers of our state constitution. He had succeeded in his motion, so to amend the original draft of that instrument, as to make it the imperative duty of the general assembly, to support "religion, morality and knowledge, as essentially necessary to good government." And the constitution goes on to declare "that schools and the means of instruction, shall forever be encouraged by legislative provision." This provision, remained a dead letter until, in December 1819, Judge Cutler, its author, being then a member, of the general assembly, introduced a resolution for that purpose, and was appointed chairman of a committee, on schools. He introduced a bill, into the house of representatives, for regulating and supporting common schools. This bill, after being much injured, by amendments, passed the lower branch of the legislature, but, was either not passed in the senate, or so modified, as to render it useless. This state of things continued, until, in December 1821, the house of representatives, appointed five of its members, to wit: Caleb Atwater, Lloyd Talbot, James Shields, Roswell Mills and Josiah Barber, a committee, on schools and school lands. To that committee, was referred a great number of petitions from the occupants of school lands, in almost every part of the state. This committee devoted nearly all its time, to the subjects submitted to its charge. All the acts of the legislature, relative to the school land were carefully examined, and this committee came to the conclusion, that, inasmuch as the legislature were the mere trustee of the fund set apart by congress, for the support of common schools, not a few of these acts were void, because they were destructive to the interests of the people, whose children were to be educated by this grant. The trustree, the committee believed, had the power to so manage this fund as to increase its value; but, the trustee had no power to destroy the fund. The committee, saw all the difficulties which surrounded the object of their charge; as well as the delicacy of their

own situation, sitting as members with those who had possession of more or less of the school lands. They weighed, in their minds, all these things, and finally, adopted a plan, and the only one, which appeared to them feasible, which was, to recommend the adoption of a joint resolution, authorizing the governor, to appoint seven commissioners of schools and school lands, whose duty it should be, to devise a system of law, for the support and regulation of common schools. Their chairman, who writes these lines, immediately after this decision, drew up, and presented to the house of representatives, the following

REPORT.

The committee to whom was referred so much of the Governor's message, as relates to schools and school lands, have had those subjects under their consideration, and now beg leave to Report,

That in the opinion of the committee, the education of our youth, is the first care and highest duty of every parent, patriot and statesman. It is education, which polishes the manners, invigorates the mind and improves the heart. If it has been encouraged even by despotic governments, how much stronger are the motives held out to induce the republican statesman to promote this object of primary importance? Shall Louis XVIII. of France, support from the national treasury, learned professors, in every branch of science and learning, in all the celebrated schools in his kingdom; and will the legislature of this young, rising and respectable state, neglect to provide for the education of her youth? The committee pre

sume not.

It will be recollected by the house, that many of the best scholars, patriots, warriors, philosophers and statesmen, whom this nation has produced-men who have shone as lights in the world; who have been blessings to their own country and the world at large; who have been applauded by the whole civilized world, for their learning, their genius, their patriotism and their virtues in public and private life, were many of

them, when young, poor and destitute as to property, and yet through their own exertions, under the genial influence of the republican institutions of our elder sister states, were enabled to raise themselves from the lowest circumstances, to the heights of fame and usefulness.

The name of the illustrious FRANKLIN will occur to every mind. Are there no Franklins, no Monroes, no Wirts in the log cabins of Ohio, who possess not even a cent of property, who have no knowledge of the rudiments of a common education, and are deprived of a father's advice and protection, and even without the benefit of a mothers prayers? Is it not the duty of the legislature, to lay, in season, a foundation on which to build up the cause of education? Ought not a system of education to be founded, which should embrace with equal affection, the children of the poor and the rich?

It has been said that "a little learning is a dangerous thing." This may be true in monarchical governments, where the extremes of wealth and poverty, power and weakness exist, but never can be true, in a republic like ours. Where universal suffrage is the birth right of every citizen, learning enough to enable the elector to become acquainted with his own rights and his ruler's duty, is necessary for him to possess. In a moral point of view, learning enough to enable every rational being to fully understand his duty to himself, his neighbor and his Creator, is absolutely necessary. Without education and morality, can a republic exist for any length of time? The committee presume not.

A great philosopher has said that "knowledge is power." It is that power, which transforms the savage into the civilized man, surrounds him with a thousand comforts, unattainable, through any other medium, and exhibits man as he ought to be, at the head of this lower creation, and the image of his Maker. It is an acquaintance with letters, which enables man to hold a correspondence, and become acquainted with his fellow man, however distant they may be from each other. Through this medium, all the ideas of the warrior, the statesman, the poet, the philosopher and the patriot are convoyed

from age to age and from country to country. Through this medium, the treasures of learning and science are brought down to us, from the remotest ages past. Through this same medium, these treasures accumulating, as they are borne along down the stream of time, will be conveyed to the remotest ages yet to come.

Gratitude, to those who have gone before us, for their labors in the fields of learning and science, duty to ourselves and to those who are to come after us, call on us for a system of education for common schools, so framed, that genius, to whomsoever given, by the allwise and beneficent Author of our existence, may be drawn forth from its abode however exalted or however humble that may be, to enlighten mankind by a divine radiance.

Is it not the duty of the legislature to explore the recesses of the ocean of distress and poverty, and to draw forth the gems of genius and place them before the public eye? Ought not the field of learning to be so far extended as to enclose within its limits, those beautiful wild flowers of genius which are now wasting their sweetness on the desert air?

But it may be asked, how shall we effect this desirable object? Where are our means of doing it? The committee answer, that nearly one thirty-sixth part of our territory has been granted by congress, (for a fair equivalent it is true) to the state, in trust for the support of common schools. Had this fund, been properly managed, the committee are of the opinion, that a great permanent one would have been created, the interest of which would have done much towards the support of common schools. The committee deeply regret, that the school lands have been, in many instances, leased out, for different periods of time, to persons who, in numerous in

stances seem to have forgotten that these lands were granted to the state (for a fair equivalent by congress.) for the support of education, and for the benefit of the rising generation.

From all the committee have been able to learn, it would seem that more money had been expended by the state in legislating concerning these lands, than they have yet or ever will produce, unless some other method of managing them be devised than any hitherto pursued. The committee refer the house to acts concerning these lands on the statute book, and to the fact, that in numerous instances, the lessees are destroying all the valuable timber growing on these lands. The committee are impressed with the belief, that unless these lands are soon sold, and the proceeds thence to be derived, invested in the stock of the United States, or in some other permanent and productive stock, no good and much evil, wil accrue to the state from the grant of these lands by congress. Shall we proceed on, legislating, session after session, for the sole benefit of lessees of school lands, at the expense of the state? Or shall we apply to the general government for authority to sell out these lands as fast as the leases expire or are forfeited by the lessees? Or shall we entirely surrender these lands to present occupants, with a view to avoid in future the perpetual importunity of these troublesome petitioners? The committee are of the opinion that in order to collect information on the subjects committed to their consideration, commissioners ought to be appointed to report to the next general assembly, a bill to establish and regulate common schools, accompanied by such information on the subject, as they may be able to collect.

Should the general assembly authorize the the Governor to appoint such commissioners, a judicious selection would doubtless be made, with a reference to the local interests of the state, as well as to the cause of learning among us.

Such commissioners ought to take into their consideration, the propriety or impropriety of obtaining leave of the gener al government, of making such a disposition of the school