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supported, i. e., by counties, districts, and the state at large. In other words, the scheme of maintenance must be developed out of present practice. This working principle and, as far as present knowledge goes, the fact that, when an existing high school establishment is utilized, the per capita cost of junior college education amounts to about $1.75 for the school year, suggest legislation providing: first, that each county contribute $120 annually-instead of $60 as now-for each student attending a public junior college within county lines; secondly, that the state contribute $60 annuallyinstead of $15 as now-for each student attending a public junior college within state lines; thirdly, that each junior college district, however formed under the law, contribute as much more as the voters thereof choose to add; fourthly, that each junior college district may make a contract with another junior college district on the basis of not less than $120 annually for each student.

Jurisdiction of State Board

4. The formation of public junior college districts must be subject to the approval of the State Board of Education, and in case statewide provision for junior colleges cannot be made mandatory at once, the State Board should be authorized by law to permit existing high school districts to maintain such junior college departments, vocational and non

vocation, as can be adequately supported.

Unity of Action Necessary

5. Legal sanction is needed for a joint secondary school and State University committee, with the Commission of Secondary Education as chairman. Undoubtedly the University has the constitutional right to fix the terms of admission and affiliation. But, apart from the fact that constitutions are not immutable, this right is counterbalanced by the inherent right of the secondary school to protect its own life in the interest of the general public welfare. And so the situation is not unlike that of the Shylock vs. Antonio case after Portia had rendered her decision. Hence neither the party of the first part nor the party of the second part can prudently resort to violence, especially not since the interests of both are at bottom one. Accordingly, the functions of such a committee would not be to prescribe or dictate, but to secure mutual understanding, mutual satisfaction, and continuous co-operation in the cause of a common educational stewardship for the greater glory of California.

None of my remarks on the junior college, I hope, have been out of harmony with this last thought, which should always be first. Let us counsel together and then act together to the best of our knowledge and belief!

No. 16 on The Proposed Constitutional Amendthe Ballot ment Must Be Carried by a large majority. For Campaign Literature, Write to Mark Keppel, Chairman, The Initiative Committee of 15. Election November Second.

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AMERICANISM AND AMERICANIZATION MOVEMENT ROBERT FLOYD GRAY

Americanization Department, Alameda, Calif.

HEN one speaks of "Americanism," "Americanization," and the "One-Hundred-Per-Cent American," the question at once arises as to what it is all about. Just as, from constant use during the war, the word "Democracy" became harder and harder to define, so the terms used in the Americanization movement become likewise often confused. However, we can attempt feasible definitions, some of which have been formulated by the leaders of thought in our country.

In the words of Winthrop Talbot 1 "Americanization is an attitude of mind upholding certain principles." Some of these principles are: that mankind is endowed with rights which are inalienable and which no laws may nullify; that some of these rights are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that laws should be enacted through representatives elected by the people; that the will of the majority shall prevail only when not imperilling the fundamental rights of the people; that the welfare of all should be first considered before the privi leges of a few; and enjoyment of American liberty implies also obligations in service and obligation by each for all in upholding law and order. When our attitude of mind, then, is in accord with these fundamental American principles and when our judgment accepts these principles of government and conduct, we are Americanized, and only then.

Americanism is also the "voluntary choosing of American ideals, the adoption of the principles for which America stands." 2 However, our conception of it had not always been the same. For example, in 1920 Americanism meant the license to specialize in intolerance. Our Puritan ancestors had no conception of tolerance, of freedom, or of democracy in their Americanism. However, when they established the free schools to teach the youth to read the Bible, they in reality devised an effective mechanism by which alone democracy could be evolved and our present-day conception of Americanism made possible. Its establishment led to the first steps of Americanization, the establishment of obligatory free schools. Thus, from the desire for liberty of worship

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2 Talbot, Winthrop, The Truth That Is in Us.

came the school and increasing religious toleration. From this came the desire for political liberty and finally the demand for the representation of the individual in government.

Today, however, due in part to the international extension of the idea of the free school, the free press, and the free library, Americanism comes to mean opportunity for nations to think and grow together, each in the service of all. But also today we still have in our midst the sectarian, the party worshipper, the nationalist, and the provincialist. Each defines Americanism from his own standpoint. Thus has arisen the wide diversity of meanings of Americanism. But after all, these factors will soon disappear just as all the factors of the past have disappeared. Americanism is based on a fundamental truth and our gospel of Americanism will ever go on trying to "promote mutual understanding in the serv ice of each for all and all for each."

Americanism differs from Americanization, in that the former is an ideal while the latter is a process. The process is as old as the idea of Americanism itself. In the words of Prof. Richardson, "it is an old problem under a new name." Its purpose is "the re-integration of the elements of population into one homogeneous people." It is the great constructive force in the strife of new forms of government with the old. It is the process of "sharing in and promoting the ideals, aims, activities, and practice, of basic governmental principles, American freedom of thought, American schooling and language, and the best manners, habits, and customs of America."

Americanization implies a common language for Americans. It advocates free schools, free libraries, and free press. Americanization is often defined as assimilation in the United States. And, indeed, the future of our republic rests on assimilation,-the power to weld its cosmopolitan population into one "nation indivisible"-to make a united America.

Americanization is likewise "the educational process of unifying both native-born and foreign-born Americans in perfect support of the principles of liberty, union, democracy, and brotherhood." 3 It should select and preserve

3 Bogardus, Emory. Essentials of Americanization. Los Angeles, University of Southern

those qualities of our past and present Americanism that are the highest and most worth while. But more than this it should single out and foster those traits of the alien which will contribute to our welfare. Indeed, Americanization teaches the duty of the host as well as the duty of the alien. Americanization, furthermore, must begin at home. Americans themselves must get a better understanding of the principles of Americanism. By constructive attitudes toward the alien the American can do more in the promotion of Americanization than by any other method.

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Let us look at the question from the alien's viewpoint. Indeed, he may sometimes believe he is being over-Americanized. As one immigrant said, "They want us to be just like themselves, but we feel that we have something to give them just as they have to give us. We aren't all ignorant, unwashed animals. have our customs, our traditions, and our culture. We have our way of looking at thingsas good a way sometimes, it may be, as the Americans." 4 How true that is! For too many workers in the field hasten to suppress all the traditions, culture, and customs of these foreign people and substitute the traditions, culture, and customs of the Americans.

Dr. Joseph Stybur repeats a saying among the Czechs, "Sing the praises of him whose bread you eat." 5 He believes this axiom expresses the basic principle of Americanization. From his standpoint a man who has adopted this country should be an American. The question only seems to be how best this can be done to make him a loyal and useful citizen. Stybur thinks it impossible to Americanize a man in the sense that he should forget his native land and tongue and that he should forget everything he was in his native land and become a "One-Huundred-Per-Cent American." He further believes that all that can be expected of the alien is that he become a loyal citizen of this country and obey its laws. Stybur's criticism may be justifiable in some localities or with some Americanization departments but I do not believe it can be ap plied to the movement as a whole.

Many problems are involved in our conception of Americanization in addition to assimilating the alien from Europe or Asia. It must not be forgotten that we must also undertake

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the assimilation of the Negro, the Indian, the Creole, the Filipino, the Porto Rican, the Alaskan, the natives of Haiti, San Domingo, Virgin Islands, Hawaii, in addition to Mexicans, Chinese and other Asiatics, the isolated whites of Kentucky and West Virginia, and the decadents and defectives of the New England Hinterland.

The first group to respond to Americanization must be the native born. The second group is that composed of the Indians, which numbers about 250,000. The third group comprises 11,000,000 Negroes. The fourth group is composed of the Appalachian mountaineers. These people, undeveloped, but possessing a patriotism of the 18th century type, are far removed from our 20th century ideals. The fifth group is formed by the transient Mexicans of California, New Mexico, Arizona and Texas. Americanization, then, is one of the vital needs in the country today. It is a need that applies to a large percentage of our nativeborn as well as to the foreign-born. It means a change of heart as well as a change of hand. Good citizenship is the result of proper civic training. Civic education is the basis of Americanization. We should bring into the classroom the vital factors that influence the daily life of the foreign person or the group of which he is a member. To succeed in the highest type of Americanization work it is necessary to capitalize every advantageous point in the social, civic, or religious life of the community. The lodge, club, church, social centers, and amusement places are manifestations of community life. They are the schools in which character and citizenship are influenced. The school must be a constantly working organ that sends its influence out into the streets, the homes, the shops, the resorts of amusement, the industrial sections, and the civic centers. The school should take the initiative in the work of Americanization, but every public spirited citizen, every religious, civic, industrial organization should contribute something in the making of new citizens.

The ends to be accomplished in Americanization work may be summarized as follows: 1. The use of the English language should be made universal throughout the United States.

2. There should be created in all people in America a desire to unite in common citizenship under one flag.

3. American standards of living should be maintained through the proper use of Amer

ican foods, by the proper care of the child, and better sanitary conditions in the newworld homes.

4. There should be an interpretation of American ideals, traditions, and institutions to foreign-born peoples.

5. The present discrimination against aliens in housing care, protection, and treatment should be discontinued.

6. All racial prejudices, barriers, and discriminations which keep people apart should be abolished.

7. An understanding of love for America

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and the desire of immigrants to remain in America and support American institutions and law should be created.

8. Americans themselves should be Americanized in order that they may have more clearly before them the principles for which this country stands.

9. There should be a program of service for the unnaturalized in order that they may desire to become citizens.

10. Last, the artistic, scientific, industrial, and intellectual gifts which these foreign peoples have brought to America should be developed.

THE ULTIMATE TEST OF DEMOCRACY
TULLY C. KNOWLES,
President University of the Pacific

HE most important word in the vocabulary of reform is the word "democracy." Every system of government that has been devised has caused its apologists to believe that it was not only the best form but the final form. Such was true of the Jewish Theocracy, the Greek Democracy, the Roman Republic, mediaeval feudalism, and modern monarchies with their theories of the divine right of kings. The western world is committed to democracy, and true to tradition the most of us feel that democracy is ultimate and yet there are those who quesion the ability of democracy to meet all the tests. With pure democracy we have no discussion, for it is successful only for a small unit. Our tests shall be applied to representative democracy.

The history of England furnishes us a panoramic view of the evolution of representation from its primitive form of four men and a reeve to the most democratic election ever held for representatives which occurred in England in December, 1918, when one person out of three had the privilege of the franchise. Curiously enough, in the middle of the seventeenth century, England had the opportunity to become democratic in form as well as in spirit over the commonwealth, but the Englishman desires his monarchy at the apex of the social system, and democracy in England had met its first test successfully-namely, that it could function in any form of government.

The next great test of democracy is the ability of the government to continue with change of party life. The government could pass into the hands successively and successfully of Whigs and Tories, of Liberals and Conserva

tives, and the constitution remain. France has not yet successfully passed that test, for with each change from one extreme party to another since 1789 there has been a new constitution-eleven since 1789. America successfully met this test with the election of Thomas Jefferson; the Federalists had erected a structure of government during a period of twelve years on the fundamental law, and the expectation was that the anti-federalists with their French political ideas would put that superstructure out of existence and erect a new building. This they did not do. They "entered in" and from that day to this changes in party have simply meant that by amendment, interpretation, construction, our constitution has been enlarged.

The next test is the adequacy of representation. The reform bill of 1832 not only took the power of the House of Commons out of the hands of the landed aristocracy and placed it in the hands of the upper middle manufacturing classes, but it also gave the franchise into the hands of one out of twenty-four of the population; Disraeli's reforms gave the franchise to one out of twelve; Gladstone's reforms, one out of seven; the election bill of 1916, one out of three; so that England has successfully met this test.

The election bill of 1916 was the result of the attempt on the part of the English to secure adequate social legislation. Hence, a new term has been brought into the discussion -namely "industrial democracy." English labor has always functioned through political action as well as economic action, and under able leadership English labor from 1906 to 1911 se

cured more social legislation than in any previous period of fifty years. It was necessary, to secure this legislation to take from the House of Lords its last constructive power in legislation, and it is left with only the suspensive veto. Thus through political action England is capable of democratizing industry. The test of industrial democracy is production on an economic basis.

Another word is being used freely today, "social" democracy. Social democracy does not mean race equality; it means that each individial in a nation, no matter what his color or nationality, should have full and complete

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opportunity for self-expression and self-development without prejudice. This will not lead to intermarriage; perhaps the opposite will be the result, a closer appreciation of race and of nationality with a freer individualistic expression in the social order. If democracy does not meet this test it cannot be final for any one nation, or for the world.

The Ultimate Test of Democracy then will be the organization of public opinion through parties, adequacy of representation, economic production, full social expression, the stimulus of moral idealism. Meeting these tests democracy will succeed.

SHAM STUDENT GOVERNMENT
GEORGE C. JENSEN,
Eureka, California

EMOCRATIC government implies the assuming of responsibilities, the rendering of service, the successful solution of great problems, the establishing of underlying and directing principles, and finally, the creation of governmental machinery which shall carry out the functions of the government successfully. Responsibilities are not assumed by persons who lack authority; service is not rendered by those who do not have the opportunity; great problems are not solved by those who do not have sufficient power to solve them; principles are not established by drones; and machinery of state is not set up by humans whose voices and ideas are mere echoes. These are the reasons why "student self-governments" have been failures as real governments. They have lacked the essential elements that make government. They have served to avoid rather than to solve human troubles. Probably not in a dozen schools in the land have the latent possibilities within real student government been made use of for developing an understanding of the principles that lie at the base of the American state.

This habit of the American school of allowing an unreal government to be set up by boys and girls has not been developed without cause. There are at least three great reasons why this result has come about:

In the first place it is pretty generally the mental attitude of most Americans to think of the state and the government in terms of courts, legislatures, administrators and laws, and to overlook that all this concrete machinery is only so much junk if the energy which makes the machinery run is absent. That is,

we, in our daily habits of thinking and acting (in this materialistic age), have forgotten that the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and other fundamental American documents, while providing for the machinery of the Nation, also outline definite principles of moral conduct which shall direct the operation of these machines. The machine is tangible; the energy or principle intangible. In a world of tangible things it is not surprising that we should have exaggerated the one and minimized the other. Nor is it surprising that our schools should have been caught in the whirl, and that teachers have failed to see that great principles must rest at the base of student government quite as well as at the base of any other government.

In the second place, student governments have rarely ever been real because of the foolish American aphorism that we are eternally getting ready for the tasks of tomorrow. It is an erroneous idea, of course, because the most important task which confronts the student (or anyone else) is the present task. If that task is to be vital as an educational factor it must include all the elements that will make it a part of real life. Our youngsters have read of courts, of legislatures, of presidents and governors, of laws and a thousand other disjointed encylcopedic matters that are bound together with thread to make the Civics text. That student government might serve to make these the first hand concern of the students seems to have been overlooked.

And, in the third place, student governments have been unreal because, as is always the case when a new government is to be set up,

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