my might be kept in continual apprehensions of danger. But these encouragements to the commissioners, to persist in their plan of operations, were inducements with the new governor, as they had been with his predecessor, to evade a compliance. The darling project of a militia law was of more consequence than the preservation of the blood and treasure of people with whom he had no natural connection. And the result is, that notwithstanding the commissioners have over and over strenuously endeavoured to have parties of rangers sent again into the enemy's country, they have never since been able to prevail with the governor to send them. On the contrary, though they could furnish ten parties for one of the Indians, the forces have been confined within the forts taught regular military discipline (which is in fact undisciplining them for Indian war) and allowed to do scarce any thing but garrison duty. In the mean time the Indians have been suffered to come down between the forts, murder and scalp the inhabitants, and burn and destroy their settlements, with impunity. That a militia, had the governor such a one as he wishes, could not prevent these outrages, is obvious to every man of common understanding. Frequent trials of this have been made in Virginia, and other governments where militias have been long in use. The consequence of which was, that after the governors had, upon the news of any incursions of the enemy, taken the inhabitants from their several businesses and occupations (oftentimes farmers in the midst of harvest) furnished provisions and other necessaries, and marched them, at a great expence, to the place attacked, it was found that the enemy were fled, and perhaps doing mischief in another part of the frontier, at fifty or a hundred miles distance. The people therefore say with truth, that it would be far less expensive and inconvenient to them, to raise and pay a number of rangers to be continually employed in that service. And it is certain, that were but a few rangers properly employed, they would be more effectual in subduing such an enemy, than all the militia or regular forces on the continent of America. The sending of these against scouting parties of Indians, being, as the proverb has it, setting a cow to catch a hare, Account of sundry sums of money paid by the province of Pennsylvania for his majesty's service, since the commencement of hostilities by the French in North America; exclusive of the general contingent expences of the government, which have from that time increased very considerably. and 1755. EXTRACTED FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE ASSEMBLY. Pennsylva. Curr. 1754, FOR provisions supplied the king's forces under the command of general Braddock; for opening and clearing a road towards the Ohio; and for establishing a post between Winchester in Virginia and Philadelphia, for the use of the army, at the request of the said general. . . £.8195 14 For provisions supplied the New England, and 1756. terest. and loan-office, and by money borrowed on the 10,000 0 0 514 10 1 2023 50 5653 13 2 Carried over £26.387 2 11 1757. 1758. Pennsylva Curr.. Brought over £.26,387 2 11 90.000 0 0 the king's Indian allies; support of French neutrals sent from Nova Scotia; billetting and supplying with necessaries the king's regular forces; and other purposes for his majesty's service, as recommended by his ministers. [By two acts of assembly, 60,000l. and 30,000/.] For ditto by another act of assembly. . . 100,000 0 0 For ditto by ditto. [Note 2700 men were raised and employed this year in his majesty's service, by the province of Pennsylvania, in pursuance of Mr. secretary Pitt's letter.] For support of a ship of war for protection of For interest paid by the province for money bor- For sundry Indian expences, omitted in the above 100,000 0 O 6425 15 0 5000 0 0 38 13 0 £.327,851 10 11 From which deduct one-third to reduce the sum 109,283 16 11 Sterling £218,567 14 0 As the reader may possibly be curious to know, whether any similar disputes arose between the proprietaries and the several assemblies of the territory, or three separate counties, it may be proper to inform him, that the forbearances of these gentlemen in that district, were altogether as re☛ markable as their assumptions in the province; and to refer him to the following extract of a genuine letter of Mr. secretary Logan's to one Henry Goldney, an intimate friend of the first proprietary William Penn, for a solution of all doubts concerning the difference. HENRY GOLDNEY, Esteemed friend, Philadelphia, 3d month the 12th, 1709. "I WAS favored last fall with thine and other friends answer to mine of 3d month last; the contents of which were extremely satisfactory, and on my part I shall not be wanting to discharge my duty to the utmost of my power; but in my opinion, since the proprietor has several times mentioned that he had proposals made to him for the purchase of a large tract of land on Susquehannah, for which he had an offer of 50001. sterling, it would be most adviseable for him to accept of any such terms, that so he may speedily have the management of his country to himself, by paying the debt there which he has contracted upon it; to which I wish thee and his other good friends would earnestly press him, for in himself I know he is in such cases somewhat too doubtful and backward. 'I now design, through the greatest confidence in thy friendship both to him and me, to be very free with thee in an affair that nearly concerns him and this country in general, in which I shall request thee to exercise thy best thoughts, and, according to the result of these heartily to employ the necessary endeavors; the case is briefly as follows: This government has consisted of two parts; the province of Pennsyl vania, and the three lower counties on Delaware. To the first the proprietor has a most clear and undoubted right, both for soil and government, by the king's letters patents or royal charter; for the latter he has much less to shew; for the soil he has deeds of feofment from the duke of York, but for the government not so much as is necessary. After his first arrival, however, in these parts, he prevailed with the people both of the province and those counties to join in one government under him, according to the powers of the king's charter, which nevertheless extended to the province only, and so they continued, not without many fractions, till after the time of his last departure, when some disaffected persons took advantage of a clause, which he had unhappily inserted in a charter he gave the people, and broke off entirely from those lower counties; since which time we have had two assemblies, that of the province acting by a safe and indisputed power, but that of the other counties without sufficient (I doubt) to jus tify them. Last fall the assembly of those counties took occasion to inquire into their own powers, upon a design to set new measures on foot, and have sent home an address by one of their members, Thomas Coutts's brother, who is to negociate the matter with the lords of trade and the ministry, to obtain powers to some person or other, who the queen may think fit (though Coutts designs it for himself) to discharge all the necessary duties of government over them. This I doubt will give the proprietary great trouble, for when the council of trade is fully apprised, as by this means they will be, that those counties are entirely disjoined from the province, it is proba ble they may more strictly inquire into the proprietor's right of government and legislation with the people there; and it is much to be feared that they may advise the queen to dispose of the government of those parts some other way, which would be exceedingly destructive to the interest of the province in general. ** ** • Upon the whole what I have to propose is this, whether it would not be most adviseable for the proprietor to consider in time what measures are most fit for him to take for his own and the country's interest, before the blow falls so heavy that it may prove difficult, if at all practicable, for him to ward it off; whether, therefore, it may not be most prudent to part with the government of both province and lower counties together, upon the best terms that can be obtained, before it proves too late for him to procure any. If he should hold the government of the province, nay even of the whole, during his life, he will never gain any thing by it; and, after his decease, it will be lost, or at least be put out of the hands of friends, and perhaps without any previous terms at all, when now he may be capable himself to negociate a surrender, both to his own particular interest, and greatly to the advantage of the profession; but whenever this is done, he should remember our present lieutenant-governor, who will be a sufferer (I fear at best) by undertaking the charge; and if any thing fall of course in the way, I wish he would not quite forget an old trusty servant of his, who has been drudging for him these ten years (but that is not the business). This I thought necessary to advise thee of, considering thee as one of his best and heartiest friends, and desire thee to communicate the matter to such others as may be most serviceable, but by no means expose this letter, for I would have that kept very private. I have wrote to the same purpose to the proprietary himself very fully, but finding, by long experience, how little it avails to write to himself alone of matters relating to his own interest, I now choose this method, and give this early notice before the addresses from hence shall come to hand, which, with the ad. dress already gone from the lower counties, will certainly do our business whether the proprietor will agree to it or not, and therefore best take time while it offers. I shall commit this to thy prudence and discretion, and conclude, Thy real loving friend, END OF THE VOLUME. 'JAMES LOGAN.' |