Novemb. Only way to effect thefe things, that it will be one of the principal caufes of much Mifery to the Kingdom; and I am fure both our Duty to God and our boly Religion, as well as to his Majesty and Sour Country, doth plainly enjoyn us to ufe One other effectual means to obviate the Mileries of a Civil or Invafivé War; which is, the keeping inviolably our Allegiance to our Soveraign, and effectually joyning with him to relift all his Enemies, whether ther Foreign Aggreffors, or Native Rebels: And it is much to be wondred at, that this Duty, fo well known to your Lordfhips, fhould never be mention

As to the Regular and Free Parliament in all its Circumstances, I fhall now proceed to prove, that at this Seafon all our Wishes for fuch a one are impotent, and muft be ineffectual.

First, it is a known Truth, and fadly experienced,, That whenever the People are in a great Ferment, and contrary Parties are bandying one against another, the giving liberty to the People to meet in great Bodies, is dangerous to the Government; and you your felves not long fince were of that opinion, when you oppos'd the vehement Addreffes to King Charles II. for fummoning a Barliament, when he judged it would ftrengthen the Fa ction against him and you very well know, a căcat heats were among the Members, and unreasonable Votes were país d against the Lineal Succeffion, and other matters endangering the Government, the King was obliged to prorogue fome Parlia ments from time to time, that fuch feparation might produce more fober Counfels: And then the great cry was, That for the Prefervation of the King's Perton and our Religion, they were fo earnest to have a Parliament meet. 91..༦

Secondly, it is impoffible there can be a, Regular and Free Election, while the Electors are fo violently divided; one part of them being fo vehement Withers of the Succefs of the Prince of Orange, that they flight all the Miferics that unavoidably wi will ffall on the Country thereby, upon the bare hope that he will 'preferve Religion and Property. Now in fucha time as this, when, if we will give credit to the Prince's Declaration, there are fo many that have invited him, can it be fafe for the King to grant a Commiffion, even to the People, to affemble in fuch great Confluxes, as may afford them opportunity of lifting themselves against him?

Thirdly,

Thirdly, If we yield that Elections can be without outragious Novemb. Routs; yet when the Parliament is met, it is requifite by the very Conftitution, that every part of that Auguft Affembly fhould be free in their Affent or Diffent to what is to be debated; and that: Freedom is as fundamentally neceffary in the Perfon of the King,: as in the Members of either House; and that one of the proper and neceffary Circumftances of that Convention ought to be, that all the Members fhall be prefent. I fhall therefore thew, that at this time none of these can be practicable, com

First, As to the King: While fuch powerful Enemies are in the Country, and fo many ready to catch any opportunity to joyn with them, how can the King be abfent from his Army? The providing for, cherishing, animating and ordering of which, will fufficiently employ the moft indefatigable of Princes. And none can think that any Prince can watch the motions of fuch 'an Enemy, and time his opportunities of affaulting them, or de-. "fending himself, and at the fame time be embarafs'd with a 'Party in the Houses, that may as dangeroufly be levelling their Votes against him, as the Invaders are their Artillery.

However there can be no freedom to the King, how undaunted foever, becaufe the impending Storm may fo affright his Council, that they may advise to the yielding of fome things that may be of ill confequence to the Government; for whatever leffens the King's juft Prerogative, as this may do, in depriving him of exercising his Negative Voice, is at one time or other prejudicial to his Subjects.

Secondly, As to the Lords: There can be no free Convention of them, fince feveral of them have fo far forgot their Allegionce, that they are actually in the Prince of Orange's Army, and many other Lords are attending the King, and their Charges; fo that while thefe Armies are in Being, they cannot meet in their 'House but by their Proxies; which I fuppofe none can expect 'will be allowed to the Peers that are in Rebellion, if we may be: 'allowed to call that fuch, which all our Laws fo adjudgeth.

The like may be faid for the Houfe of Commons: All the Gentlemen of Intereft in their Country, by their Allegiance are bound to ferve the King in his Wars at his Command, and will be few enough to keep their refpective Counties in peace. And I am confident none will think fuch a Parliament, as this ought to be that is defir'd, fhould confift of fuch who have been little:

con:

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Novemb. converfant in publick Affairs, or have fmall Interefts in their

Counties.

So, that upon the whole, I cannot fee how any Free Parlia ment can meet, unless it be fuch a Convention as the Saxons obtained of the Britains on Salisbury-Plains, where the eminenteft of both People were to meet unarmed, and there amicably adjuft matters in difference; but it is well known, that the Saxons under their long Coats had their Weapons, wherewith they flew the Flower of the British Nobility, and thereby rendred their Conqueft more eafie.

It is true, fuch a Stratagem is now like to take ffect, but the King and thofe that wish well to the Succeffion of the Monarchy, and the prefervation of their Country, must needs fear, that there will be as dangerous Contests within the Houses, as may be in the open Fields; and thereby little can be expected from fuch a Parliament, which can redound to the publick good of the Kingdom.

Fourthly, Thofe Spiritual and Temporal Lords that have figned this Petition, either have not, or they have confulted the Prince of Orange, before they propofed this Advice.

If they have not confulted him, they ought to fatisfie the King how they can warrant a Ceflation of Arms on the Prince's fide, or how they can hinder him from advancing further to awe Debates in the Houses, or what affurance they can give, that he will acquiefce in the free Decifion of the matters propofed, or that he will peaceably depart out of the Land, when things are fetled, and will not pretend a ftay here, till the vaft Sums be paid him. that he hath expended on this occafion; or laftly, will not find new occafions of queftioning the fecurity of Performance of any Agreement to be made.

If they have confulted the Prince, they ought to fhew his Commiffion, authorizing them to make Propofals, or fhew the Heads of thofe Grievances he demands to be redreffed; for fome they urge in their Petition there are, which diftract the People; but I fuppofe they are more careful of their Heads, than to own any 'fuch correfpondence.

If thefe Noble Perfons would have effectually faved Effufion of Blood, they would rather have used all their Intereft to have kept the Prince of Orange in his Country, tho' with his Army and Fleet in readiness, and have obtained his fending his demands, and have waited like dutiful Subjects till the King had convened his Parlia

ment,

ment, and have tried how Gracious the King would have been Novemb. in redreffing Grievances, and fecuring Religion and Property, and ང after the King's refufal there might have been fome colour for his Invafion, but none upon any pretence whatsoever to have invited him to it.

Fifthly, Thofe who will not openly, and with a bare face justifie the Prince of Orange's Pretenfions, cannot think it confiftent with the Honour of the King to ftoop fo low as to fummon a Parliament at the direction of an Invader, who can never be conceived to defire it with that eagerness, if he did not judge it very much conduceable to his Intereft, for which very reafon the King ought to be jealous of fuch Councils.

And I humbly conceive thofe Peers have not fufficiently confidered how prejudicial this fort of Addrefs may be to the King's Affairs, and how much it will conduce to the further alienating of the Affections of the Subjects from the King, when they fhall hear of his denial to comply at prefent with this Expedient, and never hear the reafons thereof, fince they have not divulged his Majefties Gracious Anfwer, together with their Petition; and [ 'am fure, at this time the putting the King upon fuch a Dilemma, is the greatest dif-fervice can be done him, and very little infe rior to joining with his Enemies.

I might add many more Arguments to prove, that the King cannot in Honour yield to this Advice, without quitting that undeniable Prerogative the Laws give him, of making War, or concluding peace, if thofe matters fhould be fubmitted to the Arbitriment of the two Houfes; or owning that the Allegiance of his Subjects did not bind them to affift him in the defence of his Crown and Dominions, without the Votes of a Parliament. But I shall conclude with fome few Confiderations I humbly offer to thofe Right Reverend, and Noble Lords,and all thofe who are of the fame Judgment with them, to reflect upon.

First then, I defire them to confider, whether it will not be more glorious, and agreeable to the Principles of our Religion, effectually to affift our undoubted lawful Soveraign, than to fuffer him to be dethroned folely because he is a Roman Catholick, fince the Papists themselves, tho' they never take the Oath of Allegiance or Supremacy, yet do, and ever have declared, that if any Roman Catbolick Prince, yea the Pope himself in perfon, fhould invade any King of England, tho' a Proteftant, yet that they are bound

H

Novemb.to defend fuch a King against them, as much as if they were Turks.

Secondly, Whether fince the true and original Caufe of this Invalion, and confequently of all the Blood-fhed thefe Lords fo earneftly defire to prevent, hath not been the denying to concur with the King in eftablishing of Liberty of Confcience, even with fuch fecurity to the Proteftant Religion, and Church of Eng land, as could be defired: and whether in all human probability, that would not be more conduceable to eftablish the publick Tranquility of the Kingdom, and its increase in Wealth and People, and confequently the moft efficacious means to reduce the Dutch to be juft and tractable Allies and Neighbours, rather than any thing can be effected by this Invafion, or the truckling to fuch avowed Enemies to our Country, our Religion, and our King.

Thirdly, Whether the King's entire Truft in the Fidelity of his own Subjects for his defence, and not admitting of foreign Aids that were unfought for, proffered, do not oblige all that have any fenfe of Gratitude or Duty, to aid him to the very utmost against fuch Foreigners as fo unnaturally, and fo unjustly invade him; and when it hath pleafed God to give fuccefs to the King's juft Arms, we are not to doubt, but the King, according to his folemn promise in his late Royal Declaration, will fpeedily call a Parlia ment, and in it redrefs all fuch Grievances as his people can juftly complain of, with a full and ample fecurity to the Church of England, and all his Proteftant Subjects, which it will much more be our Intereft to have in a truly harmonious, and Free, parliamentary way at that time eftablished, than at this prefent in a tumultuary and precipitate hafte fo patched up, as will not be durable; and the more earneftly we defire to fee this good work to be fet upon, the more hafte the Nobility and Gentry fhould make to expel thofe who hindred the Convention of that Parliament, which was much more likely to have fetled matters to the content of the King and his People, than this Invafion can ever hope to effect.

The Prince of Orange's Declaration could be no longer fupprefs'd, and therefore it was fuffered about this time to be printed with a fhort Preface, and fome modest Remarks (as the Author pretends) on it: In 4to.

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