February.

n

Since I finished that which goes before, we have now certain Intelligence that James the Second Landed the 12th. of March at Kingfale in Ireland,fo that now it cannot be doubred but that he hopes to recover England and Scotland by the help of the frih; which is all one as if he had done it by the French. His fucceeding in this defign laying us at the mercy of -an Irish Roman Catholick Army; whofe civility and kindness to our Nation we may learn from our Country-men, who after having loft all but their lives, have been forced to flee over to us for fhelter and protection. I fhall not add any other confideration to perfwade my Country-men to defend their King, Queen, and the whole Proteftant Succeffion, their Lives, Liberties, Priviledges and Religion, because this alone is fufficient.

THE

THE

DESERTION

DISCUS S'D.

In a Letter to a Country Gentleman,

137

SIR,

§. I.

I

Don't wonder to find a Perfon of your Senfe and Integrity fo much furprized at the Report of the Throne's being declared Vacant, by the Lower House of the Convention: For bow (fay you) can the Seat of the Government be Empty, while the King, who all grant had an unquestionable Title, is ftill Living, and his Abfence forced and involuntary? I thought our Laws, as well as our Religion, had been against the Depofing Doctrine; therefore I defire you would Expound this State Riddle to me, and give me the Ground of this late extraordinary Revolution. In anfwer to your Queftion, you may please to take notice, That thofe Gentlemen of the Convention, and the reft of their Sentiments, who declare a Vacancy in the Government, lay the main ftrefs of their Opinion upon his Majefties withdrawing himself: For now, efpecially fince the Story of the French League, and the Business of the Prince of Wales, are paffed over in Silence, moft Men believe that the pretended Breach of that which they call, The Original Contract was defigned for no more than a popular Flourish.

§. 2. And that you may be not befhocked by feeing the Votes of fo confiderable and publick a Meeting debated by a private hand, give me leave to remind you, That a Parliament, and a Convention, are two very different Things: The latter, for want of the King's Writs and Concurrence, having no fhare in the Legislative Power. If it's urged, That the prefent

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fent Pofture and Exigence of Affairs, is a fufficient Difpenfation with the ufual Preliminaries and Forms of Parliament. To this I am obliged to anfwer, That this pretended Neceffity is either of their own Making, or of their own Submitting to, which is the fame thing; and therefore ought not to be pleaded in Justification of their Proceedings. For if his Majefty had either not been driven out of his Dominions, or invited back upon honourable Terms, they needed not to have had recourfe to thefe fingular Methods. And fince they have neither the Authority of Law, or Neceffity, to fupport their Determinations, I hope they will not think themselves difobliged, if they are inquired into; and fome part of that Liberty which they have taken with his Majefty be returned upon themfelves. For all private and unauthorized Opinions are to be regarded no farther than they prove their point. Like Plate without the Royal Impreffion, they ought not to be obtruded for currant Coin; nor rated any higher than the Intrinfick Value of the Mettal. Let us examine therefore, if his Majefty has done any thing which imports, either in it felf, or by neceffary confequence, That he has voluntarily Refigned his Crown, and Difcharged his Subjects of their Allegiance. Now the Author of The Enquiry into the prefent State of Affairs, &c. for whofe Judgment the Commons feem to have a very great Regard, as appears from their concurrence with him: For their most confiderable Vores are, in a manner, transcribed from his 11th. Paragraph. This Author tells us, Pag. 5. That when a King withdraws himself, and his Seals, without naming arty Perfons to represent him, the Government is certainly laid down and for faken by him. Though afterwards he is fo good natured as to add, That if any imminent prefent Danger, or just Fear, (though indeed a King can never be decently fufpected of that; I fuppofe his Reafon is, becaufe Kings are invulnerable) bad driven his Majesty away, it might feem a little too hard to urge this

too much.

§. 3. In order to the confuting this Notion, I fhall prove

in the

Firft place, That his Majefty, before his withdrawing, had fufficient Grounds to make him apprehenfive of Danger, and therefore it cannot be called an Abdication.

Secondly, That the leaving any Reprefentatives behind him was impracticable at this Juncture.

Thirdly,

Thirdly, That we have no Grounds, either from the Laws of the Realm, or thofe of Nature, to pronounce the Throne void, upon fuch a Retreat of a King.

§. 4. But before I do this, it's not improper to obferve, That this pretence of a Demife, if it fignified any thing, cannot affect Scotland or Ireland: Not the firft, For there his Majefty's Commiffioners acted in the ufual manner, till they were difturbed: Nor the fecond, For that Kingdom continues ftill under the Regular Administration of the Lord Lieutenant. Neither is it fufficient to fay, That Ireland is an Appendage to the Crown of England, and therefore it must follow its Revolution. For allow ing a Demife was really confequent upon a Failure of Seals and Representatives; yet there would be no colour to apply it to a Cafe where there was no fuch Omiflion. For no Forfeiture ought to be stretched beyond the Reafon upon which it is grounded. But this only by the way. I fhall proceed to prove the first thing propounded, viz. That his Majesty, be fore his withdrawing, had fufficient Grounds to make him apprehensive of imminent Danger.

§. 5. We are now fallen upon Times in which the most extravagant and almoft impoffible Things are fwallowed without Chewing, and the plaineft Truths outfaced and denied; as if Evidence was an Argument against Proof, and Abfurdities the only Motives of Credibility: So that now, if ever, we feem fit for Tranfubftantiation. Had not fome Men believed this true, in a great Meafure, they would never have difputed against matter of Fact, which was done almost in the Face of the whole Kingdom. To fpeak to the prefent Cafe; Had not his Majefty great Reason to retire, to fecure his Perfon and his Honour, at his firft withdrawing from Whitehal? which is the time from which our Author dates his pretended Defertion (for he will not allow him to be King at his return) I fay, had not his Majefty great Reafon to retire when he had met with fo many unfortunate Difappointments, with fo many furprizings and unparallel'd Accidents? When part of the Army was revolted, and the Remainder too apparently unferviceable? When the People had fuch fatal and unremovable prejudices against his Majesty's Service? When there were Juch terrible Disorders in the Kingdom, and all Places were either Flaming, or ready to take Fire? What fhould a Prince do,

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when

when he had scarce any thing left him to lofe but himself, but confult his Safety, and give way to the irrefiftible Evil? But our Author pretends the King's Affairs had a much bet ter Afpect; Let us obferve how he proves it. Why he tells us, That when the Prince of Orange's Proposals came to his Majefty, the Army and the Fleet were left in his Hands. They were fo, that he might pay them for the Prince's Service; for they owned his Majefty's Authority fcarce any other way than by receiving his Money, and eating up his Meat. (It's to be boped they have fince repented of their Actions.) But the Enquirer goes on with his Inventory of Forts and Revenues, which the King was to have fill. He may know, if he pleases, that` we have but Four confiderable Forts in the Kingdom. Now Hull and Plimouth had already difpofed of themfelves, and the Tower of London was demanded for the City; fo that there was none but Portsmouth remaining. And as for the Revenues, it's to be feared, the Northern Collections would have been almost as Slender as those in the Weft. And now one would think our Father began to relent: For he owns, That fome Things, which the Prince of Orange propofed, may be called hard; viz. his demanding that the Laws against Papists which were in Imployment might be executed. But the Enquirer is much mistaken, if he thinks the Prince of Orange infifted upon no more than the bare Execution of the Law in this point. For the Disbanding of all Papifts (which was part of his Proposals) is much more than what the Law requires; by which the Papists are only excluded from Offices of Command, and Trust. But neither the Telt-Acts, nor any others bar the King from Lifting them as common Souldiers. And laftly, to deliver up his best Magazine, and the Strength of his Čapital City: To be obliged to pay a Foreign Army,which came over to enable his Subjects to drive him out of his Dominions, were very extraordinary demands, and looked as if there was a Design to reduce him as low in his Honour, as in his Fortune. To forgive a Man who endeavoured to Ruin me, is great Chriftian Charity; but to Article away my Eftate to him, because he has Injured me, is fuch a Mortification as no Religion obliges us to. This is in effect to Betray our Innocence, and Sign away the Juftice of our Caufe; and own that we have deferved all that hard Ufage which has been put upon us; fo that it's eafie to

imagine