of a majority of the Lower house of Congress, would have been tolerated by any respectable portion of either house?

"We are in the midst of events scarcely of less import than those of our revolutionary era. The question is, are we to hold our position in this Confederacy upon the ground of equals, or are we to content ourselves with the position of Colonial Dependence? Sir, it would be worse than Colonial Dependence. For who would not prefer to be taxed and governed without pretence of representation, than, under the form of representation, to be greviously oppressed by measures over which we have no control, and against which our remonstrances are unavailing?

"It is undeniable, that encroachments upon our rights have been rapid and alarming. They must be met. I conceive, that no Southern man can entertain, for one moment, the idea of tame submission.

"The action of the South should be united, temperate, but decided. Our position must be taken deliberately, but held at every hazard. We wage no war of aggression. We ask only for the Constitution, and Union, and government of our fathers. We ask our Northern brethren to leave us those rights and privileges which our fathers held, and without securing which for their children, all know they would not have entered into this Union. These we must maintain.

"It appears to me proper that we, who are on the theatre of action, should address our constituents of the slaveholding states; briefly and accurately portray the progress of usurpation and aggression, vividly exhibit the dangers which

threaten, and leave it in their hands to mark out the proper time of action.

"What that should be, it is needless here to discuss. Whatever it is, it should be temperate, united, and decided."

EXTRACTS FROM JOHN C. CALHOUN'S SPEECH ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE SENATE, MARCH 4, 1850.

*** "But will the North agree to this? It is for her to answer this question. But I will say she cannot refuse, if she has half the love for the Union which she professes to have, or without justly exposing herself to the charge that her love of power and aggrandizement is far greater than her love of the Union. At all events, the responsibility of saving the Union is on the North and not the South. The South cannot save it by any act of hers, and the North may save it without any sacrifice whatever, unless to do justice and to perform her duties under the Constitution be regarded by her as a sacrifice. It is time, senators, that there should be an open and manly avowal on all sides as to what is intended to be done. If the question is not now settled, it is uncertain whether it ever can hereafter be; and we, as the representatives of the states of this Union, regarded as governments, should come, to a distinct understanding as to our respective views, in order to ascertain whether the great questions at issue between the two sections can be settled or not. If you who represent the stronger portion cannot agree to settle them on

the broad principle of justice and duty, say so, and let the states we represent agree to separate and part in peace.

tell us so,

"If you are not willing we should part in peace, and we shall know what to do when you require the question to submission or resistance. If you remain silent, you then compel us to infer what you intend. In that case, California will become the test question. If you admit her under all the difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us from the whole of the acquired territories, with the intention of destroying irretrievably the equilibrium between the two sections. We would be blind not to perceive in that case, that your real objects are power and aggrandizement, and infatuated not to act accordingly.

"I have now, senators, done my duty in expressing my opinions fully, freely, and candidly, on this solemn occasion. In doing so, I have been governed by the motives which have governed me in all the stages of the agitations of the slavery question since its commencement, and exerted myself to arrest it, with the intention of saving the Union, if it could be done; and if it cannot, to save the section where it has pleased Providence to cast my lot and which I sincerely believe has justice and the Constitution on its side.

66

Having faithfully done my duty to the best of my ability, both in the Union and my section, throughout the whole of this agitation, I shall have the consolation, let what will come, that I am free from all responsibility."

LEWIS CASS.

HON. LEWIS CASS is a gallant general, a good citizen, an eminent statesman, who has served his country at home and abroad, for many years, with honor to himself and credit to his country. He is a man of unimpeachable purity of character,—and his abstemious habits (unless he has met with a recent change) deserve the commendation of all good men. He is pugnacious, and often shakes his fist in the face of John Bull; is ambitious, and has made high bids for the presidency. In his efforts to provoke the former and secure the latter, he has displayed his weakest points.

Lewis Cass is a great man-physically and intellectually, There is nothing trashy or inane in his speeches; he is not subject to poetical hysterics, and there is not much of the majestic or the sublime in his speeches. It is seldom that great and mighty thoughts leap from his mouth, as "Minerva sprang from the brain of Jove ;" but he is plain, practical, philosophical, argumentative, correct, and classical. He does not soar like an angel, but he stands erect like a man. He has a wellbalanced, ratiocinative mind-deeply experienced, and thoroughly cultivated. He cannot, like Webster, "heap Pelion upon Ossa," until his opponent is overwhelmed and crushed to the dust, but he digs deeply, until the victim is first undermined, and finally buried under his own premises.

He is corpulent-almost gross-and has a dull face; is a

perfect gentleman in his address, excellent company, when he is sufficiently acquainted to "unbend the brow," and in the convivial circle he can contribute his share of merriment. He speaks French fluently, and is familiar with other languages. He is a man whom his party delights to honor,—and has been governor, representative, foreign minister, is now senator, and several times he has been almost President of the United States. He lives in a large, plain, democratic-looking house, in the beautiful city of Detroit. He is now ill with the ague* -the only thing that can shake him. Senator Douglass has recently employed an artist to take his portrait. Perhaps he designs to hang the shadow on the wall, and take the place of the substance himself. He is highly esteemed in Michigan and has more influence there than any other man in the state. Permit me to record a joke, which has been exposed to the sun and air so long it has become dry, if not stale. "Tell Hale," said Cass, "that he is a Granite goose." "Tell Cass," replied Hale," that he is a Michi-gander!"

Here is a specimen of his style :—

SPEECH OF LEWIS CASS, ON THE DEATH OF DANIEL WEBSTER, DELIVERED IN U. S. SENATE, DECEMBER, 14, 1852.

"MR. PRESIDENT.-How Are The Mighty Fallen! was the pathetic lamentation when the leaders of Israel were struck down in the midst of their services and of their renown. may we repeat that national wail—How are the mighty fallen!

Since recovered.

Well