ART. VIII. A Letter to H. Brougham Esq. M. P., on the Sub-` ject of Parliamentary Reform. By William Roscoe Esq. 8vo. Liverpool. 1811.

A Letter to W. Roscoe Esq., occasioned by his Letter to Mr Brougham upon Parliamentary Reform. By J. Merritt. 8vo. Liverpool. 1812.

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is not our intention to enter into a detail of the contents of these two pamphlets; but only to avail ourselves of the occasion which they afford us of bringing once more before the public this great and truly vital question. We shall only remark, by way of preface, that whoever would see an ample and able statement of the arguments against what is called gradual and moderate reform, may with advantage peruse the letter of Mr Roscoe, in which he combats Mr Brougham's plan of beginning with the Scotish representation, and deferring any further steps till the effects of the first improvement be tried. The defence of this gradual procedure is undertaken with no inconsiderable ability and knowledge of his subject by Mr Merritt, who, though adverse to extensive and sudden changes in the constitution, seems a man of liberal views. Of both these authors, though not exactly agreeing with either, we must be understood to speak with great respect, but especially of Mr Roscoe,-a man of the most pure integrity, the most distinguished accomplishments, and, on almost every subject, whether speculative or practical, of the soundest and most enlightened views. Few men have more exalted themselves, and adorned their country by their individual talents and labours; and we should consider the puny attempts to cast obloquy upon him, in which the enemics of peace and reforin so frequently indulge, as among the worst signs of the times, were we not fully persuaded that they are utterly harmless to his high reputation, and confined to but a few even of that worst class of politicians.

We are peculiarly anxious to call the attention of our readers to this subject at the present moment, because it is not at all improbable, that, before another Number of this Journal be published, the country may be called to exercise that portion of the elective franchise, which the abuses in the constitution and the lapse of time have still left us. Our present remarks therefore shall be directed with a view to this event, and not to the general or systematic discussion of the question.

In the present state of the representation, it ought unquestionably to be the great object of such as desire its reformation, to bestir themselves for the purpose of returning to Parliament

men upon whose congeniality of sentiments they can rely. With all its defects and vices the representation, of England at least, retains a considerable portion of popular election; and this portion, in the present times, should all be enlisted in the cause of reform. We are convinced that, in almost every popular place, one, if not two members may be returned by the reformers, if they will only give themselves the requisite pains to accomplish this object. But before explaining how, even under the present system, this good may be attained, we must stop to consider the attempts which have been proposed material to amend it, without any violent change-any alteration that usually passes by the name of reform. Some explanation upon this point seems peculiarly necessary to our countrymen in this part of the United Kingdom; as they are, by what is called the Constitution, wholly excluded from any practical knowledge of popular election. Indeed the elective franchise cannot be said to exist in any part of Scotland, except perhaps in one or two counties, where there is an approximation, not indeed to popular election, but to the exercise of voting.

The expenses of a contested election arise, nearly, if not entirely, out of abuses wholly distinct from the defects of the constitution as at present established-we mean as changed from its original shape by gradual decay: So that there might exist the same number of rotten boroughs-the same want of representatives in great towns-the same nominations by patrons-the same influence of Government within and without the walls of Parliament-and the House of Commons might be constructed upon the same principles as at present, and yet, by the mere diminution of election expenses, its materials might be essentially improved. Let us consider then in what way those expenses are incurred. There is here no question of bribery, or of treating; because these expenses are in direct violation of the law as it now stands; and though, perhaps, some means might be adopted to facilitate the detection of such illegal proceedings, yet it cannot be doubted that the law has done much towards restraining them. We may here remark, however, one very prevalent mode of evading the bribery laws, by withholding the payment of the money given to each voter in many boroughs, until after the expiration of the fourteen days allowed for petitioning against the return. It would surely have a good effect in checking this pernicious practice, if a member's scat might at any time be questioned and taken from him, upon proof of his having paid any sum to any of his voters with relation to his election; and we cannot see why there should not be created a presumption of law, at least to the civil effect of avoiding the return, from the fact of mo

ney having been given to a certain number (say above ten) electors, by the member or his agents. But let us pass to strictly legal expenses. That of agency is no doubt a material one, and cannot be restrained. But, in how many boroughs is the useless and childish practice of distributing ribands and other badges, the occasion of enormous charge? Why may not this be cut off by an extension of the Treating act? Even the charges of the Hustings are considerable; and they ought not to exceed that which the public should pay-they ought in no case to fall upon the candidate. Nay, the expense of five hundred pounds or more for an election dinner, is to all intents and purposes objectionable, on the same ground as treating, -it increases the unnecessary cost of the election. There can be no reason whatever for not cutting it off. Let the voters feast to celebrate their victory, or bewail together their defeat; but let the feast be at their own expense. All these expenses, however, are inconsiderable, when compared with the grand item of travelling charges. This affects the expenses of county and of borough elections differently. In the former, a great proportion of the voters must of necessity be resident at some distance from the place of election; consequently, while the election is held in one place, the voters must either incur travelling charges, or they must be conveyed at the candidate's expense. But, in borough elections, there seems no necessity for this item at all. The bulk of the voters always reside on the spot; and it is only by the non-resident voters that any travelling charges are incurred. In a great proportion of popular elections, however, the non-residents have this right; and they must either not exercise their franchise, or be brought at their own, or at the candidate's expense.

Hence are obviously suggested the two methods of remedying this enormous evil, as experienced in county, and much more in borough elections. It has been proposed to take the poll in different parts of the county; and to prohibit, under penalties similar to those of the Treating and Bribery acts, the defraying a voter's travelling charges, in all elections whatsoever. The first measure forms the substance of a bill lately introduced by the Marquis of Tavistock, whose love of liberty, and zeal for the cause of reform, render him a fit representative of the illustrious House of Russel. The second measure formed the subject of a bill, brought in about six years ago, we believe, by Mr Tierney, and rejected by the House of Commons. We humbly profess ourselves favourable to the principles of both these measures--but with some qualifications as to the first, and some variation in the application of the second.

It is evidently extremely desireable, that some means should be fallen upon to diminish, or rather to cut off altogether, this great article of election expenses ;-for this, more than all other causes put together, gives money an undue influence, and prevents the people on the one hand from exercising their free choice, and deserving candidates, on the other, from presenting themselves with a fair chance of success. But it is much more pernicious in borough than in county elections. The number of freeholders residing out of the county, is always trifling when compared with the whole body, and can never turn the fate of an election, except when the parties are very nicely balanced. In boroughs the case is different. It is not uncommon to see n fourth or fifth part of those having a right to vote residing at a great distance, chiefly in London; but if it is only a tenth part, such a body is very considerable, and cannot be disregarded-they must be brought down, and at an enormous expense. But their residence in London is no small part of the evil. They acquire an influence over their families and friends in the provincial town, by no means proportioned to their actual numbers. They become electioneering agents and agitators by trade-they are ever ready to stir up a contest and to profit by it-to sport with and prey upon the fears of the sitting members, and the hopes of the candidate, or, as he is termed, (and it is an endearing appellation), the third man ; -they literally live by jobbing and bribery and treating;-they are generally idle, dissolute, and unprincipled-making a traffic of the borough they belong to--and only anxious about selling it over and over again;-not merely once at each election, but to different bidders, one after another, during the same contest. -It is certain, that in no part of the popular representation greater abuses exist than in the moderate sized boroughs-that those of three or four hundred votes are by far the most corrupt of all ;—and it is equally undeniable that the great cause of those abuses and corruptions lyes in the London voters. No reform, which should shorten the duration of Parliaments, would be even tolerably safe, without some radical cure applied to this crying evil. To multiply elections under the present circumstances, far from being a good, would only multiply the most disgusting scenes of unprincipled corruption. Indeed, we freely own, that the residence and London habits of those electors is of itself an objection, in our eyes, to their retaining their present influence in their native towns.

Let us only consider the consequence which results from this right of non-residents to vote;-let us look at it as it is seen constantly before our eyes. A set of those persons being idle

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and hungry, or it may be, thirsty, some by means of day-rules, others by a liberty of locomotion not very natural to their sta tion and character, join together, and wait upon a likely man, that is to say, some one fit and deserving of the honour of representing or rather of becoming a candidate for, the ancient and independent borough of Z. But what manner of person do they sagaciously pitch upon? Of course one who has abundance of that most essential intrinsic quality-money; and is disposed freely to dispense it ;-some lucky speculator in trade, -some gambler in the alley or the club-houses, who has had a fortunate season, or loan ;--most probably some lover of virtue and purity from the East Indies, or some West Indian friend of the freedom of election and rights of men. Upon him they wait, and address themselves to his purse through his vanity. They obtain a foretaste of it; and the treating scene begins. He meets his worthy constituents and friends at the Black Dog, which is kept by an elector, a staunch friend to the cause; and there, at seven o'clock, an excellent supper is served up in the best style; speeches, and toasts, and resolutions ensue; and next day the puffing scene begins in the morning papers; and a correspondent suggests, that Mr X. is considered quite secure of his election.' But the Fox and Goose is also kept by a worthy Zian, attached to the cause, so the feast is held again there; and thus it goes round. In the mean time, the sitting members take the alarm, and observe what a pity it is to see a man like Mr X, who is not infinitely rich, throwing away his money, without the most distant prospect of succeeding; for indeed he might as well think of moving the monument as stirring the established interests. In short, they, for their parts, are perfectly easy-never more so at any time since the great contest which ruined two lords and a knight, and seated them. Being so entirely secure, they proceed, as a very natural consequence, to assemble their London voters at the Barley Mow, which is attached to the regular family interest; or, peradventure, the Maidenhead in Dyott Street, where the friends of the good old cause are known to resort;-and so they play their part. It is an equally natural consequence of the same case and confidence, and the same compassion for Mr X's gross and expensive delusion, that there should be expended large sums in buying off inany of the Xites, whose kind complying natures are prone to yielding; and Mr X, scorning to be outdone at his own weapons, now sets his purse abroach, as well as his beer; -for, a little money spent in time, say both the parties, and still more their London friends, may save thousands. Accordingly, thousands are spent, or perhaps lent; and all-all except the