CHAP. V.] THE SITE AND MOTION OF THE SUN.

135

are from this at present. But the winter would be extreme, the sun being removed above an hundred degrees, and so consequently would not be visible in their horizon, no position of sphere discovering any star distant above 90 degrees, which is the distance of every zenith from the horizon. And thus, if the obliquity of this circle had been less, the vicissitude of seasons had been so small as not to be distinguished; if greater, so large and disproportionable as not to be endured.

Now for its situation, although it held this ecliptic line, yet had it been seated in any other orb,5 inconveniences would ensue of condition unlike the former; for had it been placed in the lowest sphere of the moon, the year would have consisted but of one month, for in that space of time it would have passed through every part of the ecliptic; so would there have been no reasonable distinction of seasons required for the generation and fructifying of all things, contrary seasons which destroy the effects of one another so suddenly succeeding. Besides, by this vicinity unto the earth, its heat had been intolerable; for if, as many affirm, there is a different sense of heat from the different points of its proper orb, and that in the apogeum, or highest point, which happeneth in Cancer, it is not so hot under that tropic, on this side the equator, as unto the other side in the perigeum or lowest part of the eccentric, which happeneth in Capricornus, surely, being placed in an orb far lower, its heat would be unsufferable, nor needed we a fable to set the world on fire.

But had it been placed in the highest orb, or that of the eighth sphere, there had been none but Plato's year, and a far less distinction of seasons; for one year had then been many, and according unto the slow revolution of that orb which absolveth not his course in many thousand years, no man had lived to attain the account thereof. These are the inconveniences ensuing upon its situation in the extreme orbs; and had it been placed in the middle orbs of the planets, there would have ensued absurdities of a middle nature unto them.

$ orb.] Orbit.

6 as many affirm.] Especially Scaliger, in that admirable work of his exercitations upon Cardan de Subtilitate. Exercit. 99, § 2, p. 342.—Wr.

Now whether we adhere unto the hypothesis of Copernicus, affirming the earth to move and the sun to stand still; or whether we hold, as some of late have concluded, from the spots in the sun, which appear and disappear again, that besides the revolution it maketh with its orbs, it hath also a dinetical motion, and rolls upon its own poles; whether I say we affirm these or no, the illations before mentioned are not thereby infringed. We therefore conclude this contemplation, and are not afraid to believe it may be literally said of the wisdom of God, what men will have but figuratively spoken of the works of Christ, that if the wonders thereof were duly described, the whole world, that is, all within the last circumference, would not contain them. For as his wisdom is infinite, so cannot the due expressions thereof be finite, and if the world comprise him not, neither can it comprehend the story of him.

CHAPTER VI.

Concerning the vulgar opinion, that the Earth was slenderly peopled before the Flood.

BESIDE the slender consideration, men of latter times do hold of the first ages, it is commonly opinioned, and at first thought generally imagined, that the earth was thinly inhabited, at least not remotely planted, before the flood, whereof there being two opinions, which seem to be of some extremity, the one too largely extending, the other too narrowly

7 Copernicus.] Copernicus, to make good his hypothesis, is forced to ascribe a triple motion to the earthe: the first annuall, round about the sonne, which hee places in the midst of the universe, and the earthe to bee caryed, as the sonne was ever supposed to be, in a middle orbe between Venus and Mars; the second not a motion of declination from the æquator to bothe the tropicks onlye, causinge the different seasons of the yeare, but more properlye a motion of inclination likewise to the sonne, which supposes also the poles of the earth to bee mooved, and the third motion is that called dineticall, or rotation upon his owne axis, causing day and night.-Wr.

8 dinetical.] Signifies whirlinge, from divn, which in the Greeke is a whirlpole, soe that the dineticall, motion of the son is such, in their opinion, as that of the materiall globes, which wee make to turne upon their axis in a frame.- Wr.

contracting the populosity of those times, we shall not pass over this point without some enquiry into it.9

Now for the true enquiry thereof, the means are as obscure as the matter, which being naturally to be explored by history, human or divine, receiveth thereby no small addition of obscurity. For as for human relations, they are so fabulous in Deucalion's flood, that they are of little credit about Ogyges' and Noah's. For the heathens, as Varro accounteth, make three distinctions of time. The first from the beginning of the world unto the general deluge of Ogyges, they term Adelon, that is, a time not much unlike that which was before time, immanifest and unknown; because thereof there is almost nothing or very obscurely delivered; for though divers authors have made some mention of the deluge, as Manethon the Egyptian priest, Xenophon, De Equivocis, Fabius Pictor, De Aureo seculo, Mar. Cato, De Originibus, and Archilochus the Greek, who introduceth also the testimony of Moses, in his fragment De Temporibus; yet have they delivered no account of what preceded or went before. Josephus, I confess, in his discourse against Appion, induceth the antiquity of the Jews unto the flood, and before, from the testimony of human writers, insisting especially upon Maseus of Damascus, Jeronymus Ægyptius, and Berosus; and confirming the long duration of their lives, not only from these, but the authority of Hesiod, Erathius, Hellanicus, and Age

9 whereof, &c.] Instead of this passage, the first five editions have the following:-"So that some conceiving it needless to be universal, have made the deluge particular, and about those parts where Noah built his ark; which opinion, because it is not only injurious to the text, human history, and common reason, but also derogatory to the great work of God, the universal inundation, it will be needful to make some further inquisition; and although predetermined by opinion, whether many might not suffer in the first flood, as they shall in the last flame, that is who knew not Adam nor his offence, and many perish in the deluge, who never heard of Noah or the ark of his preservation." 1 Adelon.] To the heathen who either knew nothing of the creation, or at least beleeved itt not, the first distinction of time must needs bee äồnλov, that is utterly unknowne, for the space of 1656 from the creation to the flood, and the second, the mythicon, little better, as the very name they give itt (yt is fabulous), importes, whereas in the church of God, the third (which they call historicall, and began not till after the 3000th yeare of the world's creation with them) was continued in a perfect narration and unquestionable historye from the beginning of time through those 3000 yeares.-Wr.

[BOOK VI. silaus. Berosus, the Chaldean priest, writes most plainly, mentioning the city of Enos, the name of Noah and his sons, the building of the ark, and also the place of its landing. And Diodorus Siculus hath in his third book a passage, which examined, advanceth as high as Adam; for the Chaldeans, saith he, derive the original of their astronomy and letters forty-three thousand years before the monarchy of Alexander the Great; now the years whereby they computed the antiquity of their letters, being, as Xenophon interprets, to be accounted lunary, the compute will arise unto the time of Adam. For forty-three thousand lunary years make about three thousand six hundred thirty-four years, which answereth the chronology of time from the beginning of the world unto the reign of Alexander, as Annius of Viterbo computeth, in his comment upon Berosus.

The second space or interval of time is accounted from the flood unto the first Olympiad, that is, the year of the world 3174, which extendeth unto the days of Isaiah the prophet, and some twenty years before the foundation of Rome. This they term mythicon or fabulous, because the account thereof, especially of the first part, is fabulously or imperfectly delivered. Hereof some things have been briefly related by the authors above mentioned, more particularly by Dares Phrygius, Dictys Cretensis, Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and Trogus Pompeius. The most famous Greek poets lived also in this interval, as Orpheus, Linus, Museus, Homer, Hesiod; and herein are comprehended the grounds and first invention of poetical fables, which were also taken up by historical writers, perturbing the Chaldean and Egyptian records with fabulous additions, and confounding their names and stories with their own inventions.

The third time succeeding until their present ages, they term historicon, that is, such wherein matters have been more truly historified, and may therefore be believed. Of these times also have written Herodotus,2 Thucydides, Xeno

2 Herodotus.] Yet the first parte of his historye begins not till the times of Apries, that is, Hophreas, whose reign began not till the seige of Jerusalem by Nabuchodonosor, 475 yeares after Saul, the first king of Israel, and at least 1224 yeares after the flood, of all which time (which to them was most obscure and fabulous) the sacred storye is soe plaine that thence Eusebius tooke his argument to convince the heathen

phon, Diodorus, and both of these and the other preceding such as have delivered universal histories or chronologies; as (to omit Philo, whose narrations concern the Hebrews) Eusebius, Julius Africanus, Orosius, Ado of Vienna, Marianus Scotus, Historia tripartita, Urspergensis, Carion, Pineda, Salian, and with us Sir Walter Raleigh.

Now from the first hereof, that most concerneth us, we have little or no assistance, the fragments and broken records hereof inforcing not at all our purpose. And although some things not usually observed may be from thence collected, yet do they not advantage our discourse, nor any way make evident the point in hand. For the second, though it directly concerns us not, yet in regard of our last medium and some illustrations therein, we shall be constrained to make some use thereof. As for the last, it concerns us not at all; for treating of times far below us, it can no way advantage us. And though divers in this last age have also written of the first, as all that have delivered the general accounts of time, yet are their tractates little auxiliary unto ours, nor afford us any light to detenebrate and clear this truth.

As for Holy Scripture and divine relation, there may also seem therein but slender information, there being only left a brief narration hereof by Moses, and such as affords no positive determination. For the text delivereth but two genealogies, that is, of Cain and Seth; in the line of Seth there are only ten descents, in that of Cain but seven, and those in a right line with mention of father and son, excepting that of Lamech, where is also mention of wives, sons, and a daughter. Notwithstanding, if we seriously consider what is delivered therein, and what is also deducible, it will be probably declared what is by us intended, that is, the popu lous and ample habitation of the earth before the flood. Which we shall labour to induce not from postulates and entreated maxims, but undeniable principles declared in Holy Scripture, that is, the length of men's lives before the flood, and the large extent of time from creation thereunto.

We shall only first crave notice, that although in the relation of Moses there be very few persons mentioned, yet are there many more to be presumed; nor when the Scripture of their novel idolatryes, the most whereof sprang upp in the end of these fabulous times.- Wr.