government, that they were fit only for slaves! Whilst this infamous doctrine strengthened the rod of the oppressor, and lighted up a smile on the countenance of the despot, it cast a gloom over the fairest and brightest prospects of the human race. It extinguished the sun of liberty, whose genial warmth animates the human heart as the luminary of heaven does the bosom of the earth.

It remained for the United States to put this problem at rest, and dissipate the darkness gathering over the destinies of man. By our improvements and experience, the great truth has been fully and incontrovertibly established, that mankind are capable of self government; that liberty is compatible with individual security of person and property, and with national defence; that the people are capable of establishing and maintaining the best regulated society, possessing great stability and strength, and affording the highest degree of tranquillity and social happiness. Experience justly carries with it more weight than argument; and the example of the United States is of more importance to the cause of civil liberty and the rights of man, than all which has been written in their defence. The government of America, in the language of one of the most illustrious patriots* of the present age, and who acted a distinguished part in laying its foundations, "is a vast monument raised to liberty, which is a warning to the oppressor and an example to the oppressed, throughout the world." The example, the simple fact of the exist ence of such a government, such a people, so free, powerful, tranquil, and prosperous, enjoying such unexampled social blessings, is a neverfailing source of light and influence, the most auspicious to the cause of civil liberty and the destinies of man. It is calculated to make tyrants tremble on their blood-stained thrones, and to inspire the friends of liberty and freedom with confidence. They need not attempt to prove that man is not born to be a slave; that he is both worthy and capable of enjoying liberty;--they need only refer to the United States as an existing fact, to establish these truths, so interesting to the human race. Is it then to be asked, what America has done for the cause of science, or humanity? Has she not done, and is she not now doing, more for the honour, interests and true glory of man, than any other nation, and we may almost say, than all others united. Here liberty claims her favourite abode; here free institutions, founded on the natural rights of man, have been matured, perfected, and their practicability and utility fully and incontestably established; here a light has been kindled, which will illume the darkest corner of the political horizon, and continue to shine brighter and brighter unto perfect day. Here it has been demonstrated, contrary to what many great and good men have maintained, that the theory, or system of government, is of vital importance, and that essential defects, or evils in the constitution of a state, are incompatible with internal tranquillity and happiness, and

* La Favette.

internal power. It is believed that this truth is not sufficiently acknowledged and relied upon, even in this country, as it seems to be generally supposed that our political and social happiness is mainly to be attributed to the superior intelligence and virtue of our population. But the operations of a government are in no small degree mechanical; and the adjustment and balance of its powers are as much mechanical as the adjustment of the principles and powers of a machine. The intelligence and virtue of a community constitute its moral force, and form the spirit and moving power of its government; but its particular operations depend on the nature and adjustment of its principles. Suppose that our system contained only one principle of that of the United Netherlands, namely, that on all important questions the national councils could not act without all the states were unanimous. Would not this single alteration entirely paralize the government ? could it be kept in operation even during peace, much less in war? Is the intelligence and virtue of the people sufficient to remedy such a defect? Where was this virtue and intelligence during the late war, when, as the constitution now is, faction did so much to embarrass the operations and paralize the energies of the government? Or, suppose an alteration less important; that in case of there not being a choice of a president by the people, the appointment was to be made by the house of representatives, and that all the states must be unanimous in the decision, or even that three-fourths must concur. With this provision in the constitution, what would have been the fate of it in the great crisis of 1801? and what would be the just cause for alarm at this moment, with every prospect of the choice of the chief magistrate devolving on congress, when there are four candidates, and when the supporters of each seem determined to adhere to the last extremity? Who would not tremble for the safety of his country? Let us not trust too much to the intelligence and patriotism of our citizens; human passions are the same here as every where else, and patriotism and intelligence are but feeble checks on personal ambition or party spirit. Let us not estimate too lightly the theory of our government, the constitution of the United States, which has connected itself with the constitutions of the states, and made them constituent parts thereof, thus forming one system, which, for its originality, its sublimity, and the wonderful combination and adjustments of its principles, possessing all the advantages of a democracy, a republic, and of a confederacy. without any of their prominent evils, cannot fail of exciting the admiration of all succeeding ages. This system cannot be too highly appreciated; too sacredly venerated; it is the palladium of our safety, of our union, of our national strength, our prosperity, and of all the political and social blessings which we enjoy.

In consequence of the failure of the compiler of this volume to prepare and deliver to the publishers the foregoing Chapter in season for publication, it has (in the exigency of the case) been prepared by another hand.

AN APPENDIX,

EMBRACING A

BIOGRAPHY

OF THE

AMERICAN MILITARY OFFICERS

Of distinction, who were engaged in achieving our

INDEPENDENCE.

BRIGADIER GENERAL ETHAN ALLEN,

Was born in Salisbury, Conn. but while he was young, his parents emigrated to Vermont. At the commencement of the disturbances in this territory about the year 1770, he took a bold and active part in favour of the Green Mountain Boys, as the settlers were then called, in opposition to the claims of the government of the State of NewYork. During the period that this subject was agitated, in all the struggles which it occasioned, and in which he took a part, he was uniformly successful; and when called to take the field in the struggle for American independence, he showed himself an able leader and intrepid soldier.

The news of the battle of Lexington determined colonel Allen to engage on the side of his Country. While his mind was in this state, a plan for taking Ticonderoga and Crown-Point by surprise, was communicated to him, and he readily engaged in the project. The following is his account of the affair.

"The first systematical and bloody attempt at Lexington, to enslave America, thoroughly electrified my mind, and fully determined me to take a part with my country. And while I was wishing for an opportunity to signalize myself in its behalf, directions were privately sent to me from the then colony, now state of Connecticut, to raise the Green Mountain Boys, and if possible with them to surprise and take the fortress of Ticonderoga. This enterprise I cheerfully undertook; and after first guarding all the several passes that lead thither, to cut off all intelligence between the garrison and the counfry, made a forced march from Bennington, and arrived at the lake

A

opposite Ticonderoga, on the evening of the ninth day of May, 1775, with two hundred and thirty valiant Green Mountain Boys; and it was with the utmost difficulty that I procured boats to cross the lake. However I landed eighty three men near the garrison, and sent the boats back for the rear guard commanded by Colone! Seth Warner; but the day began to dawn, and I found myself necessitated to attack the fort, before the rear could cross the lake; and as it was hazardous, I harrangued the officers and soldiers in the manner following; "Friends and fellow soldiers,-You have for a number of years past been a scourge and terror to arbitrary powers. Your valor has been famed abroad, and acknowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to me from the general assembly of Connecticut, to surprise and take the garrison now before us. I now propose to advance before you, and in person conduct you through the wicket gate; for we must this morning either quit our pretensions to valor, or possess ourselves of this fortress in a few minutes; and inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt, which none but the bravest of men dare undertake, I do not urge it on any contrary to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily, poise your firelock."

The men being at this time drawn up in three ranks each poised his firelock. I ordered them to face to the right; and at the head of the centre file marched them immediately to the wicket gate aforesaid, where I found a sentry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at me. I ran immediately towards him, and he retreated through the covered way into the parade within the garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb proof. My party who followed me into the fort, I formed on the parade in such a manner, as to face the barracks which faced each other. The garrison being asleep except the sentries, we gave three huzzas, which greatly surprised them. One of the sentries made a pass at one of my officers with a charged bayonet, and slightly wounded him. My first thought was to kill him with my sword, but in an instant I altered the design and fury of the blow to a slight cut on the side of the head; upon which he dropped his gun, and asked quarters, which I readily granted him; and demanded the place where the commanding officer kept. He shewed me a pair of stairs in the front of the garrison, which led up to a second story in said barracks, to which I immediately repaired, and ordered the commander. captain Delaplace, to come forth instantly, or I would sacri. fice the whole garrison: At which time the captain came immediately to the door with his breeches in his hand, when I ordered him to deliver to me the fort instantly; he asked me by what authority I demanded it. I answered him, "In the name of the great Jehovah, and the Continental Congress." The authority of Congress being very little known at that time, he began to speak again, but I interrupted him, and with my drawn sword near his head again demanded an immediate surrender of the garrison; with which he then complied, and ●rdered his men to be forthwith paraded without arms, as he had giv

en up the garrison. In the mean time some of my officers had given orders, and in consequence thereof, sundry of the barrack doors were beat down, and about one third of the garrison imprisoned, which consisted of said commander, a lieutenant Feltham, a conductor of artillery, a gunner, two sergeants, and forty four rank and file; about one hundred pieces of cannon, one thirteen inch mortar, and a number of swivels. This surprise was carried into execution in the grey of the morning of the tenth of May, 1775. The sun seemed to rise that morning with a superior lustre and Ticonderoga and its dependencies smiled on its conquerors, who tossed about the flowing bowl, and wished success to Congress, and the liberty and freedom of America. Happy it was for me at that time, that the future pages of the book of fate, which afterwards unfolded a miserable scene of two years and eight months imprisonment, were hid from my view."

:

In the fall of 1775 he was sent twice into Canada to observe the dispositions of the people, and attach them, if possible, to the American cause. During this last tour, Colonel Brown met him, and the rash attempt of taking Montreal was concerted between them. As might have been foreseen, it proved unfortunate, and Colonel Allen, after a resolute defence against an attack of a superior force, was taken prisoner. He and the other prisoners were immediately loaded with irons, and in that condition sent on board a man of war; and carried to England. On January 1776 he was put on board a frigate and carried to Halifax. There he remained confined in jail from June to October, when he was removed to New-York. He was kept at New-York, about a year and a half. While here, he witnessed the

inhumane manner in which the American prisoners were treated. Colonel Allen was exchanged for colonel Campbell, May 6, 1778, and after having repaired to head quarters, and offered his services to general Washington in case his health should be restored, he returned to Vermont. His arrival on the evening of the last of May, gave his friends great joy, and it was announced by the discharge of cannon. As an expression of confidence in his patriotism and military talents, he was very soon appointed to the command of the state militia. It does not appear, however, that his intrepidity was even again brought to the test, though his patriotism was tried by an unsuccessful attempt of the British to bribe him to attempt a union of Vermont with Canada. He died suddenly at his estate in Colchester, February 13, 1789.

MAJOR GENERAL WILLIAM ALEXANDER.

William Alexander, commonly called lord Sterling, a majorgeneral in the American army, in the revolutionary war with Great Britain, was a native of the city of New-York, but spent a considerable part of his life in New Jersey. He was considered by many as the rightful heir to the title and estate of an earldom in Scotland, of which country his father was a native; and although, when